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f
HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
VOLUME X
;flS?>^o.
THE WRITINGS
OP
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
COLLECTED AND EDITED WITH A LIFE AND INTRODUCTION
BY
ALBERT HENRY SMYTH
VOLUME X 1789-1790
WITH A LIFE AND INDEX
Ncfao JSoiit THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON : MACMILLAN AND CO.. LTD.
1907
AH rights rtttrvtd
U^ HC^-'.. »\>j.
ti/ti^r^v t' 'LuACj^
COFVSIGHT, Z907,
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped. Published February, 1907. Reprinted October, 1907.
J. 8. Gushing Oo. — Berwick & Smith Co* Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
PREFACE
Since the appearance of the first volume of this edition so many new dociunents have been discovered by the diligent investigations of scholars, and generously furnished from private collections, that it has become an embarrassing problem to include both the new and the old within the limits of the work as originally proposed. I have been forced reluctantly to abandon my cherished plan of a comprehensive biography of Franklin, and to content myself with a more meagre outline of the story of his life. The publication of his works in their original integrity is the object of first importance, and to that end all other causes must give way. Moreover, Franklin's writings are his best biography, a fact recognized by Mr. Bigelow, who, in his "Life of Franklin," has allowed the great man through his Memoirs and his correspondence — "almost miraculously preserved from in- calculable perils" — to tell his own story. In the sketch of personal and political history contained in the present volume, I have been as brief as was consistent with clearness, because I have had small space at my command, and because it has seemed imnecessary to quote from documents which exist in the previous volumes of this work.
In the writing of the biography I have been chiefly indebted to the late lamented Henri Doniol, whose monumental work, "Histoire de la Participation de la France k PEtablissement des Etats-Unis d'Am^rique," is one of the triumphs of histori-
vi PREFACE
cal research. "The Life of Franklin," by James Parton, is a work of much labour and learning which has fallen into un- merited neglect. I have found the Vicomte de Noailles' " Ma- rins et Soldats Franjais en Am^rique " frequently helpful.
The second centenary of the birth of Franklin was made in 1906 the occasion of extraordinary honours and unprecedented commemorations. Anniversary feasts and elaborate cele- brations continued in ever increasing interest in many parts of America, from their beginning in the first week of the year until their stately culmination in the august proceedings of the month of April in Paris and the splendid ceremonials of the same time in Philadelphia. The State of Pennsylvania made a liberal appropriation to The American Philosophical Society to defray the cost of the latter celebration, at which one hun- dred and twenty-seven societies and institutions of learning in Europe and America were represented. A gold medal, designed by Louis and Augustus St. Gaudens, was struck by order of Congress and presented, under the direction of the President of the United States, to the Republic of France.
In Paris a statue of Franklin, the gift of Mr. John H. Harjes, was im veiled at the entrance into the Place du Trocad^ro of the rue Franklin, on which the philosopher and statesman dwelt during his stay at Passy. Two ex-presidents of the French Republic and one of the United States, distinguished officials and diplomatists of world-wide fame, constituted a Committee of Honour to add brilliancy to the f6te. The cele- bration took place in the salle des files of the Palace of the Trocad^ro in the presence of nearly five thousand persons and almost all the high officials of the French government and the ministers and ambassadors of foreign powers. A dis- tincruished French orator and cabinet minister was chosen
PREFACE va
by the French government to deliver a eulogy, and the editor of this work was appointed by President Roosevelt as the spokesman of the United States. I have drawn occasionally in the course of this volume upon my oration delivered upon that occasion, and I have sometimes quoted from a series of articles upon "Franklin's Social Life in France," contributed by me to Putnam's Monthly, for, as the old Greek proverb runs, Sk hk ovk ivSdj^erai,
In the preface to the first volume I announced the publica- tion of a manuscript by Franklin relating to the early Ameri- can plantations. It is a document of the year 1731, and is, next to the Autobiography, the most extensive yet foimd in Franklin's handwriting. It was discovered ampng the papers recently acquired by the University of Pennsylvania. Fur- ther research has resulted in the discovery that it was really written by James Logan and was a memorial sent by him to Robert Walpole. It is a document of much interest and sin- gularly wise and prophetic, but as it is demonstrably not by Franklin it does not appear in this work. Another promise, I regret to say, remains unfulfilled. The most diligent search has failed to find the letter in Cremona written by Franklin to Lorenzo Manini (Vol. I, p. 12). My friend Signor Novati, the distinguished scholar of Milan, a native of Cremona, personally assisted the librarian in the search ; but they have been obliged to conclude that the precious document has been lost or stolen from the library.
One instance of the dupUcation of an article appears in Volume IX; number 1482 and number 1491 (pp. 174 and 189) are identical. The first of these had already been printed from Mr. Bigelow's edition when the original letter was foimd in the British Museum and it is here faithfully
vffl PREFACE
cx)pied. It will be noticed that the letter was actually writ- ten three weeks later than the date hitherto ascribed to it.
Certain spurious letters of Franklin exist, and have occa- sionally, as in the Vraine-Lucas forgeries, deceived the edi- tors of his works. Such a letter is found in "Joseph and Benjamin, a Conversation, translated from a French Manu- script" (printed at the logographic press for J. Murray, No. 32, Fleet Street, 1787), in which, writing from Boston, under date of May 27, 1786, to the Emperor Joseph, Frank- lin proposes to invite one of the sons of the king of England to be king of America. Two fictitious letters are in "La Cassette Verte de M. Sartine, trouv^e chez Mademoiselle du Th^" (k la Haye, 1779). One of these is in French (p. 33) ; the other, likewise addressed to M. de Sartine, is in English and concludes: "I am insulted in all the languages of Europe. My religion is satirized in Italian. My politics in Spanish and Dutch. I hear Washington ridiculed in Russian, and myself in aU the jargon of Germany. I cannot bear it. Make Europe civil to America, or I'U follow SUas Deane"
It is often said that the famous song, ga ira, of the French Revolution had its origin with Benjamin Franklin, and the statement has been as often denied (see Vol. X, pp. 362-363). In a little book entitled " Inauguration de la Maison commime d'Auteuil, Paris, Imprimerie du Cercle Social" (1792), it is told that upon the opening of the new mairie^ or maison com- mune of Auteuil, in August, 1792, the effigies of great men were carried in procession from the old house to the new, and that a band of music accompanied the bust of Franklin, playing, by order of the municipal agent, M. Pierre Antoine oit, the air of ga it a.
PREFACE is
A debated incident in the later life of Franklin I have not mentioned. A college in Pennsylvania, having taken his name, received a munificent gift from him, and it is said that he actually made the journey to Lancaster to attend the laying of the comer stone. No record of that visit exists at what is now Franklin and Marshall College. The ceremonies attending the inauguration were in 1787, and Franklin was then suflFering so severely from gout and stone that an ex- pedition to the State House, an eighth of a mile from his home, was a formidable enterprise. He could not ride in a carriage even before his return from Paris, and he was carried from that city to Havre upon a litter. He was borne about in Philadelphia in 1788 in a sedan chair, and he regretted that he had not brought with him to America a balloon which, held captive in a servant's hand, would have furnished him with the easiest locomotion. No jot of evidence exists that he was ever out of Philadelphia after he entered the city amid the acclamations of his feUow-townsmen upon his return from France, nor does it seem within the bounds of possi- bility that he could have endured a journey of seventy miles in a carriage over the rough roads of Pennsylvania. Never- theless, Crfevecoeur relates in his "Voyage dans la haute Pensylvanie" (Vol. I, p. 26), that he accompanied Franklin upon his visit to Lancaster, and that upon the day of the ceremony one of the principal inhabitants of the town in- quired concerning the origin of the Indian tribes and asked whether they were really autochthonous, whereupon Frank- lin discoursed upon the mounds and fortifications of the an- cient people of the country. It is at least a curious coincidence that in a letter written February 2, 1788, the due de la Roche- foucauld told Franklin that he had received from Cr^vecceur
z PREFACE
an account of ancient fortifications discovered at the con- fluence of the Muskingum and the Ohio. AbW MoreUet, in a letter dated July 31, 1787, refers to the Lancaster cere- monies, but it appears that Franklin had sent to him a pamphlet printed upon the occasion and descriptive of the event.
"In the dedication of your college in the Coimty of Lan- caster," writes Morellet, "and the fine procession, and the religious ceremony, where were met together Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Lutherans, Catholics, Moravians, e tuUi quanti, there was toleration in practice. I have translated the whole of the pamphlet which you sent me and had it inserted in our Mercury.^^
Crfevecoeur was a truthful man, and it is to be hoped that some lucky find will clear away the doubt and obscurity that gather about the journey to Lancaster.
It will be noticed that I have adopted throughout these volumes the Austrian way of spelling the name of Ingen- Housz. In the published works of that distinguished philos- opher, and in the authorized translations of them, the name is spelled Ingen-Housz. He signed himself IngenHousz, and sometimes in familiar letters J. Housz. A descendant of this illustrious man, Dr. Oskar, Freiherr von Mitis, an oflficial of the K. und K, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv^ with great and generous kindness, sent me a strange manuscript volume en- titled "Consultatio Medica super proprium morbum auto- grapha Benjamini Franklin ad joannem Ingenhousz.'* The volume contains two manuscripts, the first consisting of seventy-six pages and containing about seventeen thousand words. The second is an amplification and extension of the '* ' and written in an almost microscopic hand, its severity
PREFACE xi
pages containing not less than seventy-eight thousand words. The first part — CapiU /. De Nalura Morbi — is in the hand- writing of the elder Jacquin, Nikolaus Josef, the celebrated botanist. The second part, beginning PalhologuB Pars prima^ is believed in Germany to have been written either by Ingenhonszy the uncle of Jacquin, or by Franklin. Upon the paper cover is written "Has immortalis viri reliquias sociis et amicis religiose asservandas tradit" (signed) Jacquin. Freiherr von Mitis assures me that this is unquestionably in the handwriting of Jacquin, and that there can be no doubt of his love of truth. The cover is slightly scorched, for the maniiscript was rescued from the fire, together with a few other papers, in 1848 by Karl von Schreiber, son-in-law of Jacquin. Since 1852 this mysterious volume has been in the possession of the family of Von Mitis, and although it has been frequently examined no information has been obtained concerning its origin. It corresponds with no known writing of Ingenhousz or Franklin. It is identical with no other manuscript. And yet the testimony of Jac- quin is precise and reverent, and the document has never departed from the descendants of Ingenhousz.
Information concerning the identity of the Bishop of Tri- comia, to whom Franklin addressed a letter dated April 22, 1777, reached me too late to be printed in its proper place (Vol. VII, p. 43). The information kindly supplied by Monsignor Veccia, secretary of the Congregation of the Propaganda at Rome, was obtained from the Archives of the Propaganda. The Bishop is there named "Revmus Pater Dominus Petnis Joseph Perreau Bisuntinae [Besanjon] Bioccesios dectus Episcopus Tricomien : in Consistorio diei 17 Juliis 1775 — da Pio VI Braschi."
In the Appendix to Volume V fp. 553), I have' Franklin's "Observations on Maize or Indian Co!
a footnote I stated that the date of its composition known. I have since learned from a letter in the o of The American Philosophical Society that it was w; the spring of 1785, and sent to the famous French 1 Caddt de Vaux, for publication in the Journal de I "I send herewith some Observations on the Use' Grain, of which you are at Liberty to make such Ua may think proper" (April 28, 1785).
I have not attempted to prepare a list of misprints, q of those that I have noted are so obvious that they need correction. But the mind plays us sometimi tricks. In the carefully and frequently read proc of Mrs. Cowden-Clarke's "Concordance to Shakes a notable error escaped the watchful eyes of all the p readers: "I Pandulph of fair Milan Cardinal" and remained by the power of pictorial suggestion in the name of the fair Italian city, ~ "of fair Mila dral." By a like tyranny of historic suggestion the l Nemours called to mind memories of that lofty line of nobles, and in the preface to my first volume Du] Nemours, "physiocrat" and accomplished gentlemi invested with the titular dignity of the dukes of N an honour which neither his high abilities or his ] worth required to secure for him a high and an abid tion in the file of mankind.
And now when I should take leave of my task I If luctant to speak a final farewell imtil I shall have 1 word of comment upon the character of the man whoa ment has here been built. His praise has indeed been
PREFACE Jdii
widely and wannly in the twelvemonth just completed, but the voice of detraction and of harsh censure has not been altogether silenced. The fulness of praise is still in many places and in many ways withheld from him. In Phila- delphia, the city of his second birth, an hereditary hostility, derived unconsciously from the ancient proprietary feud, still exists, and opposes to the fame of Franklin an attitude of serious censure or contemptuous indifference. In Eng- land he is classified with those politicians who are merely "smart" — obtuse of conscience and wily to the verge of chicane. His moral lapses have been eagerly exaggerated and relentlessly condemned, though they were freely confessed and fully regretted by him. His autobiography has been styled the history of a rogue. Lewdness, irreligion, and sophistry are imsparingly ascribed to him. His faults were with few exceptions such as are "companions noted and most known to youth and liberty." He frankly acknowledged them and set forth a deep repentance. He begot one illegitimate child, whom he acknowledged and educated, and for whom he did everjrthing that love and duty could perform. When that son repeated the parental fault and begat a bastard son in England, Franklin obliged him to rear his child with the same wise care and affection, nor would he tolerate his introduction in America under a false or foreign name.
In a letter to Ezra Stiles, another to Madame Brillon, and a third to Joseph Huey, he has professed with characteristic clearness beliefs that could only belong to a reverent and religious mind. His creed was simple and steadfast. He believed in God and that he should be worshipped ; he held imf altering faith in immortality; and in the conduct of life he advised the imitation of Jesus and Socrates. "I look
xiv PREFACE
upon death," he wrote to George Whatley, "to be as neces- sary to our constitution as sleep. We shall rise refreshed in the morning."
Throughout his life his burdens were heavy, his anxieties often distressing, and he suffered much pain. He retained, however, a cheerful temper, for his habitual mood was kindly and tolerant. Bad temper, he was wont to say, is the unclean- liness of the mind. He had a talent for happiness, and he told Nicholas Collin that all the griefs and sufferings of this world are but as the momentary pricking of a pin in com- parison with the total happiness of our existence.
He was not one of the pure and high spirits who lead the life of the soul and by lustrous example allure mankind to lofty lives. He pursued the objects of ambition upon a lower level. He was a companionable philosopher whose feet were always well poised upon the substantial earth, and whose eyes rested upon practical material advantages. His ideal was a life of thrift, husbandry, comfort, worldly cau- tion and rational enjoyment. Yet he had his large visions, too, of growth and expansion and power. He zealously fed and trimmed the guiding lamps that shed their beams upon the dark and dangerous ways upon which the young Repub- lic began its tremendous career. He listened to the tread of the coming generations, and rejoiced to see "how grows the day of human power." No disaster or depression could shake his firm faith in the vast future of America. The whole continent was his colonial home. " What is your occupation ? " was the question asked of him at his examination before the House of Commons. He replied, "I am deputy postmaster general of North AmericaJ^ When in desperate straits for money, alarmed and dismayed by the unceasing drafts of
PREFACE XV
Congress, and the ever present dread of the collapse of all American credit, he was told that Spain would lend money on condition that America should agree to remain within the Alleghany Moimtains, he exclaimed in sudden anger, and with prophetic fire: "Poor as we are, yet as I know we shall be rich I would rather agree with them to buy at a great price the whole of their right in the Mississippi than sell a drop of its waters. A neighbour might as well ask me to sell my street door!"
He loved England, and his dearest friends were in Great Britain, but there seems never to have been absent from his mind a sense of the latent might of the colonies, and a vision of the giant things to come at large and the inevitable shift- ing of the seat and centre of power to the western shore of the Atlantic. When his life was drawing to its painful end, he looked upon the portentous events then happening about him — the framing and adoption of a Constitution and the creation of the first machinery of government — and uttered warnings which deserve the serious attention of his country- men in the second century after his death. More than once he declared that the chief peril he saw in America arose not from an excess of authority in the governors, but from a deficiency of obedience in the governed. He saw also, as he thought, a disposition to commence an aristocracy, by giving the rich a predominance in government, and he besought his countrymen to beware of the perils of luxury and the menace of inordinate wealth.
In nothing did he show his typical American character more clearly than in his power of prompt assimilation of new ideas and ready adaptation to novel circumstances. He was a man of the frontier, with all the resourcefulness and hardi-
zvi PREFACE
ness of the pioneer. He was free of sectarianism and of sectionalism. Unfettered by provincial limitations, he was capable of entering with alacrity into a new orbit. Sainte Beuve declared him to be the most French of all Americans. It is a remarkable illustration of his extraordinary mobility of mind. But while he was sensitive to each breath and wind of change and progress, he stood firmly by institutions and methods authenticated by history and whose worth was proved by ripe and safe experience. He shared Burke's detestation of innovations that recklessly uprooted what was old, and wrought destructions in the name of reform. " Purify with- out destro)dng" was his oft-repeated political maxim, which might well have been a motto for the library of Edmund Burke.
A few months before his death he referred to new and dangerous theories that seemed to be entering the State, and said, "I hope that our representatives in the Convention wiU not hastily go into these Innovations, but take the advice of the Prophet, ' Stand in the old ways, view the ancient Paths, consider them well, and be not among those that are given to Change:''
When he was fifty years old he wrote to George Whitefield : "Life like a dramatic Piece should not only be conducted with Regularity, but methinks it should finish handsomely. Being now in the last Act I begin to cast about for something fit to end with. Or if mine be more properly compared to an Epigram, as some of its few lines are but barely tolerable, I am very desirous of concluding with a bright point." Thirty-four years of busy life were still be- fore him when he wrote those words. Great honours and *gs were in store for him. But the "brightest points"
PREFACE xvii
in the brilliant epigram of his life are those that tell of his supreme devotion to the welfare of his country. He aban- doned cherished ambitions and sacrificed personal ease to bear the burdens of a nation. Twice he braved personal ruin and risked his entire fortune at critical moments of his coun- try's history. He became personally responsible to the farm- ers of Pennsylvania and Maryland to recompense them for their horses and wagons when they declined to accept the security of Braddock. And in later years he pledged himself to pay for all the tea destroyed in Boston Harbour if the gov- ernment of En^and would but subscribe to suitable terms of reconciliation with the colonies. When he left America to enter upon his service as commissioner in France,' the rumour was rife in England that he had deserted a forlorn cause. His malicious critics had grossly misread the character of the man whose last act upon quitting the home that he might never see again was to lend to the Congress his entire avail- able fortime, between three and four thousand poimds.
It is a pleasure to add to the list of those to whom at the beginning of this work I confessed my obUgations the name of M. Lionel de Crfevecceur, who generously brought to me in Paris a large and interesting collection of private papers be- longing to his great grandfather Michel Guillaume Jean de Crfevecceur. I am also deeply indebted to Dr. John L. Haney and Mr. Howard C. Myers, who have assisted me in the read- ing of proofs, and to Mr. Raymond M. Fulforth, who has helped in the preparation of the index*
A. Jn. S« Jamuast 29, 1907.
CONTENTS
1756.
1757. 1753.
1759- 1760.
1 761.
1762.
1763.
1764. 1765. 1766. 1767.
1768. 1769. 1770.
1 771.
1772.
1773- 1774-
1775- 1776.
1777- 1778.
'779- 1780.
VOLUME X
To Alexander Small. February 17, 1789 . • . . i
To Mrs. Catherine Greene. March 2, 1789 ... 3
To Miss Catherine Louisa Shipley. April 27, 1789 . . 4
To Comte de Moustier. April 27, 1789 .... 5
To Charles Carroll. May 25, 1789 7
To Philip Kinsey. May 25, 1789 7
To Richard Price. May 31, 1789 8
Observations relative to the Intentions of the original
Founders of the Academy in Philadelphia. June, 1789 . 9
To Benjamin Vaughan. June 3, 1789 .... 32
To Mrs. Jane Mecom. August 3, 1789 • • • • 33
To M. Le Veillard. September 5, 1789 .... 34 An Account of the Supremest Court of Judicature in Penn- sylvania, viz. the Court of the Press. September 12,
1789 36
To George Washington. September 16, 1789 ... 41
To Comte de Montmorin. September 21, 1789 . 42
To Mrs. Jane Mecom. October 19, 1789 .... 43
To "Sylvanus Urban Esq." [D. Henry]. October 20,
1789 43
To Jonathan Williams. October 26, 1789 ... 44
To William Alexander. October 26, 1789 ... 45 To Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont, Fils. October 31, 1789 46 To Robert Morris. November 2, 1789 .... 48 To James Logan. November 2, 1 789 .... 49 To Benjamin Vaughan. November 2, 1789 ... 49 Queries and Remarks respecting Alterations in the Consti- tution of Pennsylvania. November, 1 789 ... 54 To John Wright. November 4, 1789 .... 60 To Samuel Moore. November 5, 1789 .... 63
XX
CONTENTS
NO.
I78I. 1782.
1783. 1784. 1785. 1786.
1787. 1788. 1789. 1790. I 791. 1792.
1793- 1794.
1795- 1796.
1797. 1798.
1799.
1800. 1801. 1802.
1803.
1804. 1805. 1806.
To Alexander Small. November 5, 1789^
An Address to the Public ; from the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage. November 9, 1789 ..•...*
To Jean Baptiste Le Roy. November 13, 1789
To M. Le Veillard. November 13, 1789 .
To Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont. November 14, 1789
To David Hartley. December 4, 1789
To Mrs. Jane Mecom. December 17, 1789
To . December 19, 1789 .
PACE
64
To Miles Merwin. December 21, 1789 . To Noah Webster. December 26, 1789 .
To . January 19, 1790
To Ezra Stiles. March 9, 1790
To Francis Childs. March 10, 1790
On the Slave Trade. March 23, 1790
To Mrs. Jane Mecom. March 24, 1790 .
To Thomas Jefferson. April 8, 1790
Remarks concerning the Savages of North America. 1784 ?
The Retort Courteous. April, 1786 ?
The Internal State of America ; being a True Description
of the Interest and Policy of that Vast Continent
Conte
An Arabian Tale
A Petition of the Left Hand, To those who have the Super-
intendency of Education
Hints for Consideration respecting the Orphan School
House in Philadelphia
Plan for improving the Condition of the Free Blacks
Some Good Whig Principles
The Art of Procuring Pleasant Dreams. 1786 ?
66 68 69
70 72
73
74
7^
7S 82
83 86
86
91 92
97 105
116 123 123
125
126 127
130 131
THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
I. Origin and Early Struggles I41
II. Postmaster and Assemblyman 17a
III. Acquaintance with England 196
CONTENTS xxi
PACK
IV. The Stamp Act . . 221
V. The Scene in the Cockpit 240
VI. Plans of Conciliation 272
VII. Plenipotentiary to France .... . 300
VIII. Vast European Fame . 328
IX. Financing the Revolution 364
X. The Treaty of Peace 388
XI. Sodal Life in France 405
XII. Return to America . 456
XIII. Last Will and Testament 493
List OF Correspondents 511
Index op Persons . •537
Index of Places and Subjects 585
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS
A. P. S America.D Philosophical Sodetj.
B. M British Museum.
B. N Bibliolfa^que Nationale.
D. S. W. Deparlmeni of Stale, Washingloa,
H Harvard Uuivcrsity. b^^k
L.C. Library of Congress. ^^^M
L. L. Lenox Library. ^^^H
Laos. Laosdonoe House. ^^^|
M. H. S Massachusetis Historical Sodety^ I
P. C Private Collection.
P. H. S. . Pennsylvania Historical Sodetj.
P. R. O Public Recoid Office.
P. R. O. A. W. I Public Record Office : America and
West Indies. P. A. E. E. U Paris Dcparlemenl des AfTaires
Elrang&res, — Elals-Unis.
U. of P. University of Pennsylvania.
Y Yale University.
B Bigelow. ^^H
F Benjamin Franklin. ^^^H
S Sparlts. ^^H
V BenjamiD Vaughan. ^^H
W. T. F W. T. Franklin.
Franklin's Mss. exist in several forms. He made a rough draft of
every letter that he wrote ; he then made a dean copy to send away, and
often retained a letter-press copy. To indicate the stale of the docu-
t, the followingabbreviationa are used; d. ^ draft, trans. = lraascript|
-press copy. ^^^^
I7S6. TO ALEXANDER SMALL*
Philadelphia, February 17, 1789.
Dear Frieni),
I have just received your kind letter of November 29th,' and am much obliged by your friendly attention in sending me the receipt, which on occasion I may make trial of ; but the stone I have being a lai^ge one, as I find by the weight it falls with when I turn in bed, I have no hope of its being dissoluble by any medicine ; and having been for some time past pretty free from pain, I am afraid of tampering. I congratulate you on the escape you had by avoiding the one you mention, that was as big as a kidney bean ; had it been retained, it might soon have become too large to pass, and proved the cause of much pain at times, as mine has been to me.
Having served my time of three years as president, I have now renounced all public business, and enjoy the otium cum dignikUe. My friends indulge me with their frequent visits, which I have now leisure to receive and enjoy. The Philo- sophical Society, and the Society for Political Inquiries, meet at my house, which I have enlarged by additional building, that affords me a large room for those meetings, another over it for my library now very considerable, and over all some lodging rooms. I have seven promising grandchildren by my
^ Printed from "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818), VoL I, p. 246. Dated February 19, by Bigelow. — Ed. "In A. P. S. — Ed.
VOL. X — B I
2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
daughter, who play with and amuse me, and she is a kind attentive nurse to me when I am at any time indisposed ; so that I pass my time as agreeably as at my age a man may well expect, and have little to wish for, except a more easy exit than my malady seems to threaten.
The deafness you complain of gives me concern, as if great it must diminish considerably your pleasure in conversation. If moderate, you may remedy it easily and readily, by putting your thumb and fingers behind your ear, pressing it outwards, and enlarging it, as it were, with the hollow of your hand. By an exact experiment I found, that I could hear the tick of a watch at forty-five feet distance by this means, which was barely audible at twenty feet without it. The experiment was made at midnight when the house was still.
I am glad you have sent those directions respecting ven- tilation to the Edinburgh Society. I hope you have added an account of the experience you had of it at Minorca. If they do not print your paper, send it to me, and it shall be in the third volume, which we are about to publish of our Transactions.
Mrs. Hewson joins with us in best wishes for your health
and happiness. Her eldest son has gone through his studies
at our college, and taken his degree. The youngest is still
Ihere, and will be graduated this summer. My grandson
presents his respects ; and I am ever, my dear friend, yours
most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
P. S. You never mention the receipt of any letters from me. I wish to know if they come to hand, particularly my last enclosing the Apologue. You mention some of my old '^ being dead, but not their names.
1789] '^O MRS. CATHERINE GREENE
1757. TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE"
Philadelphia, March 2, 1789.
Dear Friend,
Having now done with public affairs, which have hitherto taken up so much of my time, I shall endeavour to enjoy, during the small remainder of life that is left to me, some of the pleasures of conversing with my old friends by writing, since their distance prevents my hope of seeing them again.
I received one of the bags of sweet com you were so good as to send me a long time since, but the other never came to hand. Even the letter mentioning it, though dated December loth, 1787,' has been above a year on its way; for I received it but about two weeks since from Baltimore in Maryland. The com I did receive was excellent, and gave me great pleas- ure. Accept my hearty thanks.
I am, as you suppose in the abovementioned old letter, much pleased to hear, that my young friend Ray is ** smart in the farming way," and makes such substantial fences. I think agriculture the most honourable of all employments, being the most independent. The farmer has no need of popular favour, nor the favour of the great ; the success of his crops depending only on the blessing of God upon his honest industry. I congratulate your good spouse, that he, as well as myself, is now free from public cares, and that he can bend his whole attention to his farming, which will afford him both profit and pleasure ; a business which nobody knows better how to manage with advantage.
1 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818), Vol. I, p. 248. — En. «In A. P. S. — Ed.
4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
I am too old to follow printing again myself, but, loving the business, I have brought up my grandson Benjamin to it, and have built and furnished a printing-house for him, which he now manages under my eye. I have great pleasure in the rest of my grandchildren, who are now in number eight, and all promising, the youngest only six months old, but shows signs of great good nature. My friends here are numerous, and I enjoy as much of their conversation as I can reasonably wish; and I have as much health and cheerfulness, as can well be expected at my age, now eighty-three. Hitherto this long hfe has been tolerably happy ; so that, if I were allowed to live it ovy again, I should make no objection, only wishii^ for leave to do, what authors do in a second edition of their works, correct some of my cffoia. Amoi^ the felicities of my life I reckon your friendship, which I shall remember with pleasure as long as that life lasts, being ever, my dear friend youre most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
1758. TO MISS CATHERINE LOUISA SHIPLEY' Philadelphia, April 27, 1789.
^^^^^L X Ftnm "The Priv«t« CorrespondeDce of Benjamin Franklin" (iSiS),
It is only a few days since the kind letter of my dear young
friend, dated December 24th, came to my hands. I had
before, in the public papers, met with the afflicting news that
letter contained. That excellent man has then left us 1 His
^(.■pa''l'Ji'e is a loss, not to his family and friends only, but to
tjis nation, and to the world ; for he was intent on doing good,
.J wisdom to devise the means, and talents to promote them.
1789] TO COMTE DE MOUSTIER 5
His "Sermon before the Society for Propagating the Gospel," and his ** Speech intended to have been spoken," * are proofs of his ability as weU as his humanity. Had his counsels in those pieces been attended to by the ministers, how much bloodshed might have been prevented, and how much expense and disgrace to the nation avoided !
Your reflections on the constant calmness and composure attending his death are very sensible. Such instances seem to show, that the good sometimes enjoy in dying a foretaste of the happy state they are about to enter.
According to the course of years, I should have quitted
this world long before him. I shall however not be long in
following. I am now in my eighty-fourth year, and the last
year has considerably enfeebled me ; so that I hardly expect
to remain another. You will then, my dear friend, consider
this as probably the last line to be received from me, and as a
taking leave. Present my best and most sincere respects to
your good mother, and love to the rest of the family, to whom
I wish all happiness ; and believe me to be, while I do live,
yours most afiPectionately,
B. Franklin.
1759. TO COMTE DE MOUSTIER' (l.c.)
PhiUd* April 27, 1789.
Sir, I received the Honour of your Letter dated the 12th of March, when I lay very ill of my painful Distemper, which rendered me incapable of writing. The Letter yours enclosed
* Sec Introduction, Vol. I, p. 165. — Ed.
* Elenore Francois Elic, Comte de Moustier, French Minister to the United States. — Ed.
J
6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
related to an Affair between a Mr. Thomas of Paris, & Mess" Bache and TWe [?]. I communicated it to Mr. Bache who promis'd to examine the old Papers of the Partnership, and write to Mr. Thomas. This took some time, but he has now done it, and will give you a Letter for that Gentleman w** I presume will satisfy him, that he has had no just reason to complain of those Messieurs. I also enclose a Letter for Mr. Thomas.
I regret with you that the new Congress was so lor^ in As- sembling- The Season of the Year was not well chosen for their Meeting, & the uncommon Length of the Winter made it the more inconvenient. But this could hardly excuse the extreme Neglect of some of the Members, who not being far distant might have attended sooner, and whose Absence not only prevented the public Business from being forwarded, but put those States, whose Members attended punctually, to a vast Expence which answered no purpose. I hope however that now they are assembled the Wisdom of their Council will repair what has been amiss, promote effectually our national Interests, and do honour to their own Characters.
My best Wishes also Attend the Deliberation of your great Council the States General of France, which meets this Day, God grant them Temper and Harmony ; Wisdom they must have among them sufficient if Passions will suffer it to operate. I pray sincerely that by means of that Assembly the pubUc fnlcrcits may be advanced and succeed, and the future Wel- fare and Glory of the French Nation be firmly established.
I have the honour to be, with sincere and great Esteem and jiespect, Sir,
Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble Scr\-ant,
B. Franklin.
1789] ^^ PHIUP KINSEY 7
1760. TO CHARLES CARROLL*
Philadelphia^ May 25, 1789.
Dear Friend,
I am glad to see by the papers, that our grand machine has at length begun to work. I pray God to bless and guide its operations. If any form of government is capable of mak- ing a nation happy, ours I think bids fair now for producing that effect. But, after all, much depends upon the people who are to be governed. We have been guarding against an evil that old States are most liable to, excess of power in the rulers ; but our present danger seems to be defect of obedience in the subjects. There is hope, however, from the enlight- ened state of this age and country, we may guard effectually against that evil as well as the rest.
My grandson, William Temple Franklin, will have the honour of presenting this line. He accompanied me to France, and remained with me during my mission. I beg leave to recommend him to your notice, and that you would believe me, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
1761. TO PfflLIP KINSEY (a. p. s.)
May 25, 1789.
D" Franklin presents his respectful Compliments to W Kinsey, and is persuaded there is some Mistake in the Sup-
1 Mr. CarroU was at this time a senator in Congress from Maryland. The 6rst Congress under the new Constitution had recently convened in New York. In March, 1776^ Dr. Franklin and Mr. CarroU had been joint commissioners, appointed by the Continental Congress with instructions to form a union between the Canadas and the United Colonies. — S.
This Utter is printed from Sparks, Vol. X, p. 392. — En.
8 THE WRITINGS OP BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
position that the Box in question was ever lent to him, his Memory being still pretty good, and it afifordirig not the least Trace of any such Transaction.*
1762. TO RICHARD PRICE* (l. c.)
Philad% May 31, 1789.
My very dear Friend, I lately received your kind Letter, inclosing one from Miss Kitty Shipley, informing me of the good Bishop's Decease, which afficted me greatly. My Friends drop off one after another, when my Age and Infirmities prevent my making new Ones; & if I still retained the necessary Activity and Ability, I hardly see among the existing Generation where I could make them of equal Goodness : So that the longer I live I must expect to be very wretched. As we draw nearer the Conclusion of Life, Nature furnishes with more Helps to wean us from it, among which one of the most powerful is the Loss of such dear Friends.
^ Written by Franklin on the back of the following letter from Kinsey :
"Philip Kinseys most respectful Compliments to Doctor Franklin. His Brother James Kinsey, then in this City, more than thirty Years since, lent the Doctor a mahogany Box containing sundry geometrical solid Bodies, being the first six Books of Euclid's Elements formd of Box Wood, which were never returnd ; P. K. has the other Box containing the Figures of the other six Books, both which cost twenty four Guineas, lately recovered from another Person who had had them so long that they were forgot, if that which the Doctor borrowM can be obtaind in good Order which he hopes may be done P. K. can dispose of them for perhaps as much Currency as they cost sterling, or if the Doctor would like to have them the other Box shall be sent him. Enquiry was made for them at the Doctors House daring his first Absence, but his Wife & Daughter knew nothing of them
May 25** Monday 4. o'Clock." — Ed.
3 This letter is written in lead pencil, as are most of the later letters written by Franklin. — Ed.
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 9
I send you with this the two Volumes of our Transactions, as I forget whether you had the first before. If you had, you will please to give this to the French Ambassador, re- questing his Conveyance of it to the good Duke de la Roche- foucauld.
My best Wishes attend you, being with sincere and great Esteem, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. Fkanklin.
1763. OBSERVATIONS
KELATTVE TO THE INTENTIONS OF THE ORIGINAL FOUNDERS OF THE ACADEMY IN PHILADELPHIA. JUNE, 1 789 (L. C.)
As the English School in the Academy has been, and still continues to be, a Subject of Dispute and Discussion among the Trustees since the Restitution of the Charter, and it has been proposed that we should have some Regard to the original Intention of the Founders in establishing that School, I beg leave for your Information, to lay before you what I know of that Matter originally, and what I find on the Minutes relating to it, by which it will appear how far the Design of that School has been adher'd to or neglected.
Having acquired some little Reputation among my Fellow- Citizens, by projecting the Public Library in 1732, and ob- taining the Subscriptions by which it was established, and by proposing and promoting with Success sundry other Schemes of Utility, in 1749 I was encouraged to hazard another Project, that of a Public Education for our Youth. As in the Scheme of the Library I had provided only for English Books, so in this new Scheme my Ideas went no farther than to
lo THE WRniNCS OF BEAf/AM/N FRANKUl^ [1789
procure the Means of a good English Education. A Number of my Friends, to whom I communicated the Proposal, con- curr'd with me in these Ideas; but Mr. Allen, Mr. Francb, Mr. Peters, and some other Persons of Wealth and Learning, whose Subscriptions and Countenance we should need, being of Opinion that it ought to include the learned Languages, I submitted my Judgment to theirs, retaining however a strong Prepossession in favour of my first Plan, and resolving to preserve as much of it as I could, and to nourish the English School by every Means in my Power.
Before I went about to procure Subscriptions, I thought it proper to prepare the Minds of the People by a Pamphlet, which I wrote, and printed, and distributed with my News- papers, gratis: The Title was, Proposals relating to the Education 0} Youth in Pennsylvania. I happen to have preserv'd one of them ; and by reading a few Passages it will appear how much the English Learning was insisted upon in it ; and I had good reason to know that this was a prevailing Part of the Motives for Subscribing with most of the original Benefactors.' I met with but few Refusals in soliciting the Subscriptions ; and the Sum was the more considerable, as 4 put the Contribution on this footing that it was not to ■Dcdiate und the whole paid at once, but in Parts, a ( annually during Five Years. To put the Machine in
ruling, good morals, diligent cfl in the languages and sciences, and a correct, pure speaker blnglish luiigue : ti> have such tutors under him as ihall tie
migtil 111.' mughi l>y grammar : in which some of oar liiiiin, I'lipc, Algernon -Sidney, Olto's L.ettere. &c. principally to be cultivated heing the t/tjr and •bo he taught, and prunuuncmg properly, dls- 'Mt an even tone, which uiititr'doti, nor a theairi-
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMV 1 1
Motion, Twenty-four of the principal Subscribers agreed to take upon themselves the Trust ; and a Set of Constitutions for their Government, and for the Regulation of the Schools were drawn up by Mr. Francis and myself, which were sign'd by us all, and printed, that the Publick might know what was to be expected. I wrote also a Paper, entitled. Idea of an English School, which was printed, and afterwards annex'd to Mr. Peters' Sermon, preach'd at the opening of the Acad- emy. This Paper was said to be jor the Consideration 0} the Trustees; and the Expectation of the Publick, that the Idea might in good Part be carried into Execution, contributed to render the Subscriptions more liberal as well as more general. I mention my Concern in these Transactions, to show the Opportunity I had of being well informed in the Points I am relating.
The Constitutions are upon Record in your Minutes; and, altho' the Latin and Greek is by them to be taught, the original Idea of a complete English Education was not for- gotten, as will appear by the following Extracts.
Page I. "The English Tongue is to be taught grammati- cally, and as a Language."
Page 4. In reciting the Qualification of the Person to be appointed Rector, it is said, " that great Regard is to be had to his polite Speaking, Writing, and Understanding the English Tongue, ^^
The Rector was to have Two Hundred Pounds a Year, for w** he was to be obliged to " teach 20 Boys, without any Assistance, and 25 more for every Usher provided for him, the Latin and Greek Languages; and at the same time in- struct them in History, Geography, Chronology, Logic, Rhetoric, and the English Tongue.'*
12 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMm FRANKUN [1789
The Rector was also, "on all Occasions consistent with his Duty in the Latin School, to asshi ilie English Master in improving the Youth under his Care,^*
Page 5. "The Trustees shall with all convenient Speed, contract with any Person that offers who they shall judge most capable of teaching the English Tongue grammatically and as a Ijmguage^ History, Geography, Chronology, Logic, and Oratory; which Person shall be stiled the English Mastery
The English Master was to have "One Hundred Pounds a Year, for which he was to teach, without any Assistance, 40 Scholars the English Tongue grammatically and at the same time instruct them in History, Geography, Chronology, Logic, and Oratory; and Sixty Scholars more for every Usher provided for him."
It is to be observed in this Place, that here are two distinct Courses in the same Study, that is, of the same Branches of Science, viz. History, Geography, Chronology, Logic, and Oratory, to be carried on at the same time, but not by the same Tutor or Master. The English Master is to teach his Schol- ars all those Branches of Science, and also the English Tongue grammatically, as a Language. The Latin Master is to teach the same Sciences to his Boys, besides the Greek and Latin. He was also to assist the English Master occa- sionally without which and his general Care in the Govern- ment of the Schools, the giving him double Salary seems not well accounted for. But here is plainly two distinct Schook or Courses of Education provided for. The Latin Master was not to teach the English Scholars Logic, Rhetoric, &c. ; that was the Duty of the English Master ; but he was to teach those Sciences to the Latin Scholars. We shall see hereafter
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 13
how easily this original Plan was defeated and departed from.
When the Constitutions were first drawn Blanks were left for the Salaries, and for the Number of Boys the Latin Master was to teach. The first Instance of Partiality in fav' of the Latin Part of the Institution, was in giving the Title of Rector to the Latin Master, and no Title to the Enghsh one. But the most striking Instance was when we met to sign, and the Blanks were first to be fill'd up, the Votes of a Majority carry'd it, to give twice as much Salary to the Latin Master as to the English, and yet require twice as much Duty from the English Master as from the Latin, viz. 200/. to the Latin Master to teach 20 Boys ; 100/. to the English Master to teach 40 ! However, the Trustees who voted these Salaries being themselves by far the greatest Subscribers, tho' not the most numerous, it was thought they had a kind of Right to pre- dominate in Money Matters ; and those who had wish'd an equal Regard might have been shown to both Schools, sub- mitted, tho' not without Regret, and at times some little Complaining ; which, with their not being able in nine Months to find a proper Person for English Master , who would under- take the Office for so low a Salary, induc'd the Trustees at length, viz. in July 1750, to oflFer 50/. more.
Another Instance of the Partiality above mentioned was in the March preceding, when loc/. Sterling was voted to buy Latin and Greek Books, Maps, Drafts, and Instruments for the Use of the Academy, and nothing for English Books.
The great Part of the Subscribers, who had the English Education chiefly in view, were however sooth'd into a Sub- mission to these Partialities, chiefly by the Expectation given them by the Constitution, viz. that the Trustees would make
14 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
it their Pleasure, and in some degree their Business, to visit the Academy often, to encourage and countenance the Youth, look on the Students as in some Measure their own Children, treat them with Familiarity and Affection; and when they have behaved well, gone thro' their Studies, and are to enter the World, the Trustees shall zealously imite, and make all the Interest that can be made, to promote and establish them, whether in Business, Offices, Marriages, or any other thing for their Advantage, preferable to all other Persons whatso- ever, even of equal Merit.
These splendid Promises dazzled the Eyes of the Publick. The Trustees were most of them the principal Gentlemen of the Province. Children taught in other Schools had no reason to expect such powerful Patronage, the Subscribers had plac'd such entire Confidence in them as to leave themselves no Power of changing them if their Conduct of the Plan should be disapprov'd ; and so, in hopes of the best, all these Partial- ities were submitted to.
Near a Year past before a proper Person was found to take Charge of the English School. At length Mr. Dove, who had been many years Master of a School in England, and had come
hither with an Apparatus for giving Lectures in Experimen-
«
tal Philosophy, was prevailed with by me, after his Lectures were finished, to accept that Employment for the Salary of- fered, tho' he thought it too scanty. He had a good Voice, read perfectly well, with proper Accent and just Pronuncia- tion, and his Method of communicating Habits of the same kind to his Pupils was this. When he gave a Lesson to one of them, he always first read it to him aloud, with all the different Modulations of Voice that the Subject and Sense required. These the scholars, in studying and repeating the
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 15
Lesson, naturally endeavour'ci to imitate; and it was really surprizing to see how soon they caught his Manner, which convinced me and others who frequently attended his School, that tho' bad Tones and manners in reading are when once acquir'd rarely, with Difficulty, if ever cur'd, yet, when none have been already formed, good ones are as easily leam'd as bad. In a few Weeks after opening his School, the Trus- tees were invited to hear the Scholars read and recite. The Parents and Relations of the Boys also attended. The Per- formances were surprizingly good, and of course were admired and applauded ; and the English School thereby acquired such Reputation, that the Number of Mr. Dove's Scholars soon amounted to upwards of Ninety, which Number did not diminish as long as he continued Master, viz. upwards of two Years: But he finding the Salary insufficient, and having set up a School for Girls in his own House to supply the De- ficiency, and quitting the Boys' School somewhat before the Hour to attend the Girls, the Trustees disapproved of his so doing, and he quitted their Employment, continued his Girls' School, and opened one for Boys on his own Account. The Trustees provided another EngUsh Master ; but tho* a good Man, yet not possessing the Talents of an English School- master in the same Perfection with Mr. Dove, the School diminished daily, and soon was found to have but about forty Scholars left. The Performances of the Boys, in Reading and Speaking, were no longer so brilliant ; the Trustees of course had not the same Pleasure in hearing them, and the Monthly Visitations, which had so long afforded a delightful Entertainment to large Audiences were gradually badly attended, and at length discontinued ; and the English School has never since recovered its original Reputation.
i6 THE WkirmcS of BEI^JAMiN' FkAUlCUU [1789
Thus by our injudiciously starving the English Part of our Scheme of Education, we only sav'd Fifty Pounds a Year, which was required as an additional Salary to an acknowledged excellent English master, which would have equaled his En- couragement to that of the Latin Master; I say by saving the Fifty Pounds we lost Fifty Scholars, which would have been 200I. a Year, and defeated besides one great End of the Institution.
In the mean time our Favours were shower'd upon the Latin Part; the Number of Teachers was encreas'd, and their Salaries from time to time augmented, till if I mistake not, they amounted in the whole to more than tool. 3, Year, tho* the Scholars hardly ever exceeded 60; so that each Scholar Cost the Funds lol. per annum, while he paid but 4/., which was a Loss of 6/. by every one of them.
The Monthly Visitation too of the Schools, by the Trustees, having been long neglected, the Omission was complain'd of by the Parents, as a Breach of original Promise; where- upon the Trustees, July 11, 1755, made it a Law, that "they should meet on the second Tuesday in every Month at the Academy, to visit the Schools, examine the Scholars, hear their public Exercises, &c." This good Law however, like many others, was not long observed ; for I find by a Minute of Dec. 14, 1756, that the Examination of the Schools by the Trustees had been long neglected, and it was agreed that it should thereafter be done on the first Monday in every Month. And, yet notwithstanding this new Rule, the Neglect retum'd, so that we are informed, by another Minute of Jan. 13, 1761, "that for 5 Months past there had not been one Meeting of the Trustees." In the Course of 14 Years several of the original Trustees, who had been disposed to favour the English
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 17
School, deceased, and others not so favourable were chosen to supply their Places; however it appears by the Minutes, that the Remainder had some times Weight enough to recall the Attention of their Colleagues to that School, and obtain Acknowledgments of the imjust Neglect it had been treated with. Of this the following Extracts from the Minutes are authentic Proofs, viz. (Minute Book, Vol. I., Feb. 8, 1763;) " The State of the English School was taken into Considera- tion, and it was observed that Mr. Kinnersley's Time was entirely taken up in teaching little Boys the Elements of the English Language (that is it was dwindled into a School similar to those kept by old Women, who teach Children their Letters); and that Speaking and Rehearsing in Publick were totally disused, to the great Prejudice of the other Scholars and Students, and contrary to the original design of the Trustees in the forming of that School ; and as this was a matter of great Importance, it was particularly recommended to be fully considered by the Trustees at their next Meeting." At their next Meeting it was not considered : But This Min- ute contains full Proof of the Fact that the English Education had been neglected, and it contains an Acknowledgment that the Conduct of the English School was contrary to the original Design of the Trustees in forming it.
Li the same Book of Minutes we find the following, of April 12, 1763. "The State of the English School was again taken into Consideration, and it was the Opinion of the Trustees that the original design should be prosecuted, of teach- ing the Scholars of that (and the other Schools) the Elegance of the English Language, and giving them a proper Pronun- ciation ; and that the old Method of hearing them read and repeat in Publick sh^ be again used : And a Committee was
VOL. x — c
i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
appointed to confer with Mr. Kinnersley how this might best be done, as well as what Assistance would be necessary to give Mr. Kinnersley to enable him to attend this necessary Service^ which was indeed the proper business of his Professorship."
In this Minute we have another Acknowledgment of what was* the original Design of the English School; but here are some Words thrown in to countenance an Innovation, which had been for some time practised. The Words are, ("and the other schools.") Originally by the Constitutions, the Rector was to teach the Latin Scholars their English. The Words of the Constitution are, "The Rector shall be obliged, without the Assistance of any Usher, to teach 20
Scholars the Latin and Greek Languages, and the
English Tongue." To enable him to do this, we have seen that some of his Qualifications requir'd, were, his polUe Speak- ing, Writing, and Understanding the English Tongue. Having these, he was enjoined, on all Occasions consistent with his other Duties, to assist the English Master in improving the Boys under his Care ; but there is not a Word obliging the English Master to teach the Latin Boys English. However, the Latin Masters, either unable to do it, or unwilling to take the Trouble, had got him up among them, and employed so much of his Time, that this Minute owns he could not, with- out farther Assistance, attend the necessary Service of his own School, which, as the Minute expressly says, "was indeed the proper Business of his Professorship."
Notwithstanding this good Resolution of the Trustees,
it seems the Execution of it was neglected ; and, the Publick
not being satisfied, they were again haunted by the Friends of
the Children with the old Complaint that the original Con-
'itutions were not complied with, in regard to the English
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 19
School. Their Situation was unpleasant. On the one hand there were still remaining some of the first Trustees, who were Friends to the Scheme of English Education, and these would now and then be remarking that it was neglected, and would be moving for a Reformation. The Constitutions at the same time, staring the Trustees in the Face, gave weight to these Remarks. On the other hand the Latinists were combined to decry the English School as useless. It was without Example, they said, as indeed they still say, that a School for teaching the Vulgar Tongue, and the Sciences in that Tongue, was ever joined with a College, and that the Latin Masters were fully competent to teach the English.
I will not say that the Latinists looked on every Expence upon the English School as so far disabling the Trustees from augmenting their Salaries, and therefore regarded it with an evil Eye ; but when I find the Minutes constantly filPd with their Applications for higher Wages, I cannot but see their great Regard for Money Matters, and suspect a little their using their Interest and Influence to prevail with the Trus- tees not to encourage that School. And indeed the following Minute is so diflFerent in Spirit and Sentiment from that last recited, that one cannot avoid concluding that some extraordinary Pains must have been taken with the Trustees between the two Meetings of April 12 and June 13, to pro- duce a Resolution so very different, which here follows in this Minute, viz. " June 13, 1763 ; Some of the Parents of the Children in the Academy having complained that their Children were not taught to speak and read in publick and having requested that this useful Part of Education might be more attended to, Mr. Kinnersley was called in, and desired to give an Ace* of what was done in this Branch of his
ao THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
Duty; and he declared that this was well taught, not only in the English School, w^ was more immediately under his Care, but in the Philosophy Classes, regularly every Monday Afternoon, and as ojten at other times <is his other Business would permit. And it not appearing to the Trustees that any more could at present be done, without partiality and great Inconvenience, and that this was all that was ever proposed to be done, they did not incline to make any Alteration, or to lay any farther Burthen on Mr. Klinnersley." Note here, that the English School had not for some Years preceding been visited by the Trustees. If it had they would have known the State of it without making this Enquiry of the Master. They might have judg'd, whether the Children more immediately imder his Care were in truth well taught, without taking his Word for it, as it appears they did. But it seems he had a Merit which, when he pleaded it, effectually excus'd him. He spent his Time when out of the English School in instruct- ing the Philosophy Classes who were of the Latin Part of the Institution. Therefore they did not think proper to lay any farther Burthen upon him.
It is a little difficult to conceive how these Trustees could bring themselves to declare, that "No more could be done in the English School than was then done, and that it was all that was ever proposed to be done;" when their preceding Minute declares, that "the original Design was teaching Scholars the Elegance of the English Language, and giving them a proper Pronunciation; and that hearing them read and repeat in Publick was the old Method, and should be again used." And certainly the Method that had been used might be again used, if the Trustees had thought fit to order Mr. Kinnersley to attend his own School, and not spend his Time
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 21
in the Philosophy Classes, where his Duty did not require his Attendance. What the apprehended Partiality was, which the Minute mentions, does not appear, and cannot easily be imagined; and the great Inconvenience of obliging him to attend his own School could only be depriving the Latinists of his Assistance, to which they had no right.
The Trustees may possibly have supposed, that by this
Resolution they had precluded all future Attempts to trouble
them with respect to their Conduct of the English School.
The Parents indeed, despairing of any Reformation, withdrew
their Children, and plac'd them in private Schools, of which
several now appeared in the city, professing to teach what
had been- promised to be taught in the Academy; and they
have since flourished and encreas'd by the Scholars the
Academy might have had if it had performed its Engagements.
But the Publick was not satisfy'd; and we find, five Years
after, the English School appearing again, after 5 Years'
Silence, haunting the Trustees like an evil Conscience, and
reminding them of their Failure in Duty. For of their
meetings Jan. 19 and 26, 1768, we find these Minutes. "Jan.
19, 1768. It having been remarked, that the Schools suffer
in the Publick Esteem by the Discontinuance of public
Speaking, a special meeting is to be called on Tuesday next,
to consider the State of the English School, and to regulate
such Matters as may be necessary." "Jan. 26; A Special
Meeting. It is agreed to give Mr. Jon. Easton and Mr.
Thomas Hall, at the Rate of Twenty-five Pounds per Ann
each, for assisting Mr, Kinnersley in the English School,
and taking Care of the same when he shall be employed in
teaching the Students, in the Philosophy Classes and Gram-
mar School, the Art of public Speaking. [A committee, Mr.
22 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
Peters, Mr. Coxe, and Mr. Duch6, with the masters, was appointed to fix rules and times for employing the youth in public speaking.] * Mr. Easton and Mr. Hall are to be paid out of a Fund to be raised by some public Performance for the Benefit of the College."
It appears from these Minutes, i. That the Reputation of the Academy had suffered in the Publick Esteem by the Trustees' Neglect of that School. 2. That Mr. Kinnersley, whose sole Business it was to attend it, had been called from his Duty and employ'd in the Philosophy Classes and Latin Grammar School, teaching the Scholars there the art of public Speaking, which the Latinists used to boast they could teach themselves. 3. That the Neglect for- so many Years of the English Scholars, by this Subtraction of their Master, was now acknowledged, and proposed to be reme- died for the future by engaging two Persons, Mr. Hall and Mr. Easton, at 25 ;£ each per Ann, to take care of those Scholars, while Mr. Kinnersley was employ'd among the Latinists.
Care was however taken by the Trustees, not to be at any Expence for this Assistance to Mr. Kinnersley ; for Hall and Easton were only to be paid out of the uncertain Fund of Money to be raised by some public Performance for the Benefit of the CoUedge.
A committee was however now appointed to fix Rules and Times for employing the Youth in public Speaking. Whether any thing was done in consequence of these Minutes does not appear ; no Report of the Committee respecting their Doings being to be found on the Records, and the Probability is that they did, as heretofore, nothing to the purpose. For the English School continued to decline, and the first subsequent
^ Faragrapl) in brackets is stricken out of Ms. in L. C — Ed.
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 23
Mention we find made of it, is in the Minute of March 21, 1769, when the Design began to be entertained of abolishing it altogether, whereby the Latinists would get rid of an Eye- sore, and the Trustees of what occasioned them such frequent Trouble. The Minute is this; "The State of the English School is to be taken into Consideration at next Meeting, and whether it be proper to continue it on its present Footing or not." This Consideration was, however not taken at the next Meeting, at least nothing was concluded so as to be minuted ; nor do we find any farther Mention of the English School till the i8th of July, when the following Minute was entered ; viz. "A Special Meeting is appointed to be held on Monday next, and Notice to be given that the Design of this Meeting is to consider whether the English School is to be longer con- tinued."
This special Meeting was accordingly held on the 23d of July, 1769, of which Date is the following Minute and Resolu- tion; viz. "The Trustees at this Meeting, as well as several former ones, having taken into their serious Consideration the State of the English School, are unanimously of Opinion, that as the said School is far from defraying the Expence at which they now support it, and not thinking that they ought to lay out any great Part of the Funds entrusted to them on this Branch of Education, which can so easily be procured at other Schools in this City, have Resolved, that from and after the 17th of October next, Mr. Kinnersley's present Salary do cease, and that from that time the said School, if he shall be inclined to keep it, shall be on the following Footing ; viz. that he shall have the free Use of the Room where he now teaches, and also the whole Tuition- Money arising from the Boys that may be taught by him, and that he continue Professor
34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
of English and Oratory, and as such, have the house he lives in Rent-free, in Consideration of his giving two Afternoons in the Week as heretofore, for the Instruction of the Students belonging to the College in public Speaking, agreeable to such Rules as are or shall be made for that purpose by the Trustees and Faculty. It is farther ordered by this Regulation, that the Boys belonging to his School shall be still considered as Part of the Youth belonging to the College, and under the same general Government of the Trustees and Faculty ; and such of his Scholars as may attend the Mathematical or any other Master having a Salary from the College, for any part of their Time, shall pay proportionably into the Fund of the Trustees, to be accounted for by Mr. Kinnersley, and deduct out of the 20 per quarter now paid by the English Scholars."
The Trustees hope this Regulation may be agreeable to Mr. Kinnersley, as it proceeds entirely from the Reasons set forth above, and not from any Abatement of that Esteem which they have always retained for him, during the whole Course of his Services in College.
Upon this and some of the preceding Minutes, we may observe; i. That the English School having been long neglected, the Scholars were so diminished in Nimiber as to be far from defraying the Expence in supporting it. 2. That the Instruction they received there, instead of a compleat English Education, which had been promised to the Sub- scribers by the original Constitutions, were only such as might easily be procured at other Schools in this City. 3. That this unprofitableness of the English School, owing to Neglect of Duty in the Trustees, was now offered as a Reason for demolishing it altogether. For it was easy to see, that, after depriving the Master of his Salary, he could not long afford
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 35
to continue it. 4. That if the Insufficiency of the Tuition- Money in the English School to pay the Expence, and the Ease with which the Scholars might obtain equal Instruction in other Schools, were good Reasons for depriving the Master of his Salary and destroying that School, they were equally good for dismissing the Latin Masters, and sending their Scholars to other Schools; since it is notorious that the Tuition-Money of the Latin School did not pay much above a fourth Part of the Salaries of the Masters. For such Reasons the Trustees might equally well have got rid of all the Scholars and all the Masters, and remain'd in full Pos- session of all the College Property, without any future Ex- pence. 5. That by thus refusing any longer to support, instead of Reforming, as they ought to have done, the English School, they shamefully broke through and set at nought the original Constitutions, for the due Execution of which the Faith of the original Trustees had been solemnly pledged to the Publick and diverted the Revenues, proceeding from much of the first Subscriptions, to other Purposes than those which had been promised. Had the Assembly, when disposed to dis- franchise the Trustees, set their Foot upon this Ground, their Proceeding to declare the Forfeiture would have been more justifiable ; and it may be hop'd Care will now be taken not to give any future Assembly the same Handle.
It seems, however, that this unrighteous Resolve did not pass the Trustees without a Qualm in some of them. For at the next Meeting a Reconsideration was moved, and we find the following Minute under the Date of August i, 1769; "The Minute of last Meeting relative to the English School was read, and after mature Deliberation and reconsidering the same, it was voUi to stand as it is, provided it should not
26 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
be found any way repugnant to the first Charter granted to the Academy, a Copy of which was ordered to be procured out of the Rolls Office."
One might have thought it natural for the Trustees to have consulted this Charter before they took the Resolution, and not only the first Charter, but the original Constitutions; but, as it seems they had lost the Instrument containing the Charter, and, tho' it had been printed, not one of them was furnished with a Copy to which he might refer, it is no wonder that they had forgot the Constitutions made 20 Years before, to which they do not seem to have in the least adverted.
Probably, however, the Trustees found, when they came to examine original Papers, that they could not easily get entirely rid of the English School, and so concluded to continue it. For I find in a Law for Premiums, minuted under the Date of Jan. 29, 1770, that the English and mathematical School is directed to be examined the 3d Tuesday in July, and a Premium Book of the Value of One Dollar was to be given to him that reads best, and understands best the English Grammar, &c. This is very well; but to keep up the old Partiality in favour of the Latin School, the Premium to its Boys was to be of the Value of two Dollars. In the Pre- miums for best Speaking, they were indeed put upon an Equality.
After Reading this Law for Premiums, I looked forward to the third Tuesday in July with some pleasing Expecta- tion of their Effect on the Examination required for that Day. But I met with only this farther Record of the Inattention of the Trustees to their new Resolutions and even Laws, when they contained any thing favourable to the English
1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 27
School. The Minute is only this ; " July, August, September, October, no Business done."
On the 20th of November, however, I find there was an Elxamination of the Latin school, and Premiums, with pom- pous Inscriptions, afterwards adjudged to Latin Scholars; but I find no Mention of any to the English, or that they were even examined. Perhaps there might have been none to examine, or the school discontinued: For it appears by a Minute of July 21, following, that the Provost was desired to advertise for a Master able to teach English Grammatically, which it seems was all the English Master was now required to teach, the other Branches originally promised being dropt entirely.
In October 1772 Mr. Kinnersley resigned his Professor- ship, when Dr. Peters and others were appointed to consider on what footing the English School shall be put for the future, that a new Master may be thought of, and Mr. Willing to take care of the School for the present at 50 Pounds per Ann. It is observable here that there is no Mention of putting it on its original Footing, and the Salary is shrunk amazingly ; but this Resignation of Mr. Kinnersley gave Occasion to one Testimony of the Utility of the English Professor to the Institution, notwithstanding all the Partiality, Neglect, Slights, Discouragements, and Injustice that School had suflFeied. We find it in the Minutes of a special Meeting on the 2d of Feb^, 1773, present Dr. Peters, Mr. Chew, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Willing, Mr. Trettel, and Mr. Inglis, and expressed in these strong Terms.
"The college suffers greatly since Mr. Kinnersley left it, for want of a Person to teach public Speaking, so that the present Classes have not those Opportunities of learning to
1789] INTEl^IONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 29
I am the only one of the original Trustees now living, and I am just stepping into the Grave myself. I am afraid that some Part of the Blame incurred by the Trustees may be laid on me, for having too easily submitted to the Deviations from the Constitution, and not opposing them with sufficient Zeal and Earnestness; tho' indeed my Absence in foreign Coimtries at diflFerent Times for near 30 Years, tended much to weaken my Influence. To make what Amends are yet in my Power, I seize this Opportunity, the last I may possibly have, of bearing Testimony against those Deviations. I seem here to be surrounded by the Ghosts of my dear departed Friends, beckoning and urging me to use the only Tongue now left us, in demanding that Justice to our Grandchildren, that our Children has been denied. And I hope they will not be sent away discontented.
The Origin of Latin and Greek Schools among the diflFerent Nations of Europe is known to have been this, that until between 3 and 400 Years past there were no Books in any other Language ; all the Knowledge then contain'd in Books, viz. the Theology, the Jurisprudence, the Physic, the Art- military, the Politicks, the Mathematics and Mechanics, the Natural and moral Philosophy, the Logic and Rhetoric, the Chemistry, the Pharmacy, the Architecture, and every other Branch of Science, being in those Languages, it was of course necessary to learn them, as the Gates through which Men must pass to get at that Knowledge.
The Books then existing were manuscript, and these con- sequently so dear, that only the few Wealthy enclin'd to Learning could afford to purchase them. The common People were not even at the Pains of learning to read, because, after taking that Pains, they would have nothing to read
30 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [17S9
that they could understand without learning the ancient Languages^ nor then without Money to purchase the Manu- scripts. And so few were the learned Readers 60 Years after the Invention of Printing, that it appears by Letters still extant between the Printers in 1499, ^^at they could not throughout Europe find Purchasers for more than 300 Copies of any ancient Authors. But Printing beginning now to make Books cheap, the Readers increased so much as to make it worth while to write and print Books in the Vulgar Tongues. At first these were chiefly Books of Devotion and little His- tories ; gradually several Branches of Science began to appear in the common Languages, and at this Day the whole Body of Science, consisting not only of Translations, from all the valuable ancients, but of all the new modem Discoveries, is to be met with in those Languages, so that learning the ancient for the purpose of acquiring Knowledge is become absolutely unnecessary.
But there is in Mankind an unaccountable Prejudice in favour of ancient Customs and Habitudes, which inclines to a Continuance of them after the Circumstances, which formerly made them useful, cease to exist. A Multitude of Instances might be given, but it may suffice to mention one. Hats were once thought an useful Part of Dress ; it was said they kept the Head warm and screened it from the violent Impression of the sun's Rays, and from the Rain, Snow, Hail, &c. Tho' by the Way, this was not the more ancient Opinion or Practice ; for among all the Remains of Antiquity, the Bustos, Statues, Coins, medals, &c., which are infinite, there is no Representation of a human Figure with a Cap or Hat on, nor any Covering for the Head, unless it be the Head of a Soldier, who has a Helmet ; but that is evidently not a
1789] INTEtrriONS OF I'OUNDERS OF ACADEMY 31
Part of Dress for Health, but as a Protection from the Strokes of a Weapon.
At what Time Hats were first introduced we know not, but in the kst Century they were univei*sally worn thro'out
m
Europe. Gradually, however, as the Wearing of Wigs, and Hair nicely dress'd prevailed, the putting on of Hats was disused by genteel People, lest the curious Arrangements of the Curls and Powdering should be disordered; and Umbrellas began to supply their Place; yet still our Con- sidering the Hat as a part of Dress continues so far to prevail, that a Man of fashion is not thought dressed without having one, or something like one, about him, which he carries under his Arm. So that there are a multitude of the politer people in all the courts and capital cities of Europe, who have never, nor their fathers before them, worn a hat otherwise than as a chapeau bras, though the utility of such a mode of wearing it is by no means apparent, and it is attended not only with some expense, but with a degree of constant trouble.
The still prevailing custom of having schools for teaching generally our children, in these days, the Latin and Greek languages, I consider therefore, in no other light than as the Chapeau bras of modem Literature.
Thus the Time spent in that Study might, it seems, be much better employed in the Education for such a Country as ours; and this was indeed the Opinion of most of the original Trustees.*
* Mr. Robert Hare wrote to the executors of Benjamin Franklin, Philadel- phia, May 21, 1790: "This manuscript was put into my hands by Dr. Frank- lin for my inspection, in the last summer, at which time some alterations in the System of Education pursued in the English school at the College were onder consideration. It was at that time the intention of the Doctor that the Contents should be submitted to the Trustees. He aflerward told me, his ill
32 THE WRirmCS OF BENJAMm FRANKUN [1789
1764. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN*
Philadelphia, June 3, 1789.
My deabest Friend,
I received your kind letter of March 4th, and wish I may be able to complete what you so earnestly desire, the Memoirs of my Life. But of late I am so interrupted by extreme pain, which obliges me to have recourse to opium, that, be- tween the effects of both, I have but little time in which I can write any thing. My grandson, however, is copying what is done, which will be sent to you for your opinion by the next vessel; and not merely for your opinion, but for your advice ; for I find it a difficult task to speak decently and properly of one's own conduct; and I feel the want of a judicious friend to encourage me in scratching out.
I have condoled sincerely with the Bishop of St. Asaph's family. He was an excellent man. Losing our friends thus one by one, is the tax we pay for long living ; and it is indeed a heavy one.
I have not seen the King of Prussia's posthumous works ; what you mention makes me desirous to have them. Please to mention it to your brother William, and that I request him to add them to the books I have desired him to buy for me.
Health would not permit him to engage personally in these pursuits but that these papers would afford Testimony of his Sentiments. In the mean time he wish'd them to remain in my hands to furnish information in support of the Changes in view. As these changes are no longer in contemplation I have not thought myself at liberty to detain the papers. I have not permitted them to be inspected by other persons nor have taken any copy.
" R. Hare." — Ed.
^ From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin " (i8l8)« VoL I, p. 251. — Ed.
1789] TO MRS. JANE MECOAf 33
Our new government is now in train, and seems to promise
well. But events are in the hand of God. I am ever, my
dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B Franklin.
1765. TO MRS. JANE MECOM (l.c.)
Philad% Aug* 3, 1789.
Dear Sister,
I have received your kind Letter of the 23d past and am glad to learn, that you have at length got some of the letters I so long since wrote to you. I think your PostOflSce is very badly managed. I expect your Bill, and shall pay it when it appears. I would have you put the Books into cousin Jonathan's Hands, who will dispose of them for you, if he can, or return them hither. I am very much pleased to hear, that you have had no Misunderstanding with his father. Indeed, if there had been any such, I should have concluded, it was your fault ; for I think our Family were always subject to being a little MifFy.
By the way, is our Relationship in Nantucket quite worn- out? I have met with none from thence of late years, who were disposed to be acquainted with me, except Captain Timothy Foulger. They are wonderfully shy. But I ad- mire their honest plainness of Speech. About a year ago I invited two of them to dine with me. Their answer was, that they would, if they could not do better. I suppose they did better; for I never saw them afterwards, and so had no Op- portunity of showing my Miff, if I had one.
Give [mutilated] to Cousin Williams's and thank them from me for all their Kindnesses to you which I have always
VOU X — D
34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
been acquainted with by you, and take as if done by my- self. I am sorry to learn from his Son that his Health is not so firm as formerly. A Journey hither by Land might do him good, and I should be happy to see him.
I shall make the Addition you desire to my Superscrip- tions, desiring in return that you would make a subtraction from yours. The Word Excellency does not belong to me, and Doctor will be suflScient to distinguish me from my grand- son.* This family joins in love to you and yours.
Your affectionate Brother
B. Franklin.
1766. TO M. LE VEILLARD (l. c.)
Philadelphia, Sep'5, 1789.
Dear Friend: — I have had Notice of sundry Books sent out by you, but none of them are come to hand except the ** Dictionnaire d'Agriculture," by I'Abb^ Rozier. My Grandson also complains of not receiving a Package or Case sent by you to him, he knows not by what Conveyance, nor where to enquire for it.
It is long since I have had the Pleasure of hearing from you, the last Letter I have received being dated the 21st of Feb- ruary, but when I have no new Letter from you, I console my- self by reading over some of the old ones, as I have lately done those of the ist April, '88, and the loth of OctT and 27th
^ On this point his sister replied : " I was a little suspicious whether Excellency \t9& according to rule in addressing my brother at this time; but I did not write the address; and of late, because he lives nearer than cousin Williams, I have sent my letters to Dr. I^athrop, who is very obliging to me, and I thought he must know what is right, and I gave no directions about it. But I shall do it another time." — August 23d, — S.
1789] TO M. LE VEILLARD 35
NovT, *88. Every time I read what you write, I receive fresh Pleasure, I have already answered those last-mentioned Letters, and now have before me that of the 21st of Feb^ only. I am sorry my Friend Morris failed in the Attention he ought to have shown you but I hope you will excuse it when you consider that an American transported from the tranquil Villages of his Country and set down in the Tour- billon of such a great City as Paris must necessarily be for some Days half out of his Senses.
I hope you have perfectly recovered of the Effects of your Fall at Madam Helvetius', and that you now enjoy perfect Health ; as to mine, I can give you no good Account. I have a long time been afflicted with almost constant and grievous Pain, to combat which I have been obUged to have recourse to Opium, which indeed has afforded me some Ease from time to time, but then it has taken away my Appetite and so impeded my Digestion that I am become totally emaciated, and little remains of me but a Skeleton covered with a Skin. In this Situation I have not been able to continue my Memoirs, and now I suppose I shall never fim'sh them. Benjamin has made a Copy of what is done, for you, which shall be sent by the first safe Opportunity. I make no Remarks to you concerning your Public Affairs, being too remote to form just Opinions concerning them ; indeed I wonder that you, who are at the same Distance from us, make so very few Mistakes in your Judgment of our Affairs. At present we think them in a good Way ; the Congress are employed in amending some of their Faults supposed to be in our Con- stitution, and it is expected that in a few Weeks the Machine will be in orderly Motion. The Piece of M. Target, which you mention as having sent me, is not come to hand. I am
36 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
sorry to hear of the Scarcity which has afflicted your Country, we have had here a most plentiful Harvest of all the Produc- tions of the Earth without Exception, and I suppose some Supplies will be sent to you from hence, tho' the Tenn durii:^ which the Importation was permitted by your Government was too short considering the Distance.
My Family join in every affectionate Sentiment respecting you and yours, with your sincere Friend,
[B. Franklin.]
1767. AN ACCOUNT OF THE SUPREMEST COURT OF JUDICATURE IN PENNSYLVANIA, VIZ. THE COURT OF THE PRESS (l. c.)
FROM THE FEDERAL GAZETTE, SEPTEMBER I2TH, 1 789
Power 0} this Court.
It may receive and promulgate accusations of all kinds, against all persons and characters among the citizens of the State, and even against all inferior courts; and may judge, sentence, and condemn to infamy, not only private individ- uals, but pubUc bodies, &c., with or without inquiry or hearing, at the courCs discretion.
/n whose Favour and for whose Emolument this Court is
established.
In favour of about one citizen in five hundred, who, by education or practice in scribbling, has acquired a tolerable style as to grammar and construction, so as to bear printing; or who is possessed of a press and a few types. This five
1789] THE SUPREMEST COURT IN PENNSYLVANIA yj
hundredth part of the citizens have the privilege of accusing and abusing the other four hundred and ninety-nine parts at their pleasure ; or they may hire out their pens and press to others for that purpose.
Practice of the Court.
It is not governed by any of the rules of common courts of law. The accused is allowed no grand jury to judge of the truth of the accusation before it is publicly made, nor is the Name of the Accuser made known to him, nor has he an Opportunity of confronting the Witnesses against him; for they are kept in the dark, as in the Spanish Court of Inquisi- tion. Nor is there any petty Jury of his Peers, sworn to try the Truth of the Charges. The Proceedings are also some- times so rapid, that an honest, good Citizen may find himself suddenly and unexpectedly accused, and in the same Morn- ing judg'd and condemned, and sentence pronounced against him, that he is a Rogue and a Villain. Yet, if an oflBcer of this court receives the slightest check for misconduct in this his office, he claims immediately the rights of a free citizen by the constitution, and demands to know his accuser, to confront the witnesses, and to have a fair trial by a jury of his peers.
The Foundation of its Authority.
It is said to be founded on an Article of the Constitution of the State, which establishes the Liberty of the Press; a Liberty which every Pennsylvanian would fight and die for; tho' few of us, I believe, have distinct Ideas of its Nature and Extent. It seems indeed somewhat like the Liberty of the Press that Felons have, by the Common Law of England,
38 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN [1789
before Conviction, that is, to be pressed to death or hanged. If by the Liberty 0} the Press were understood merely the Liberty of discussing the Propriety of Public Measures and political opinions, let us have as much of it as you please : But if it means the Liberty of affronting, calumniating, and defaming one another, I, for my part, own myself willing to part with my Share of it when our Legislators shall please so to alter the Law, and shall cheerfully consent to exchange my Liberty of Abusing others for the Privilege of not being abus'd myself.
By wham this Court is commissioned or constituted.
It is not by any Commission from the Supreme Executive Council, who might previously judge of the Abilities, Integrity, Knowledge, &c. of the Persons to be appointed to this great Trust, of deciding upon the Characters and good Fame of the Citizens ; for this Court is above that Council, and may accuse, judge, and condemn it, at pleasure. Nor is it hereditary, as in the Court of dernier Resort, in the Peerage of England. But any Man who can procure Pen, Ink, and Paper, with a Press, and a huge pair of Blacking Balls, may commissionate himself; and his court is immediately established in the plenary Possession and exercise of its rights. For, if you make the least complaint of the judge^s conduct, he daubs his blacking balls in your face wherever he meets you ; and, besides tearing your private character to flitters, marks you out for the odium of the public, as an enemy to the liberty of the press.
Of the natural Support of these Courts,
Their support is founded in the depravity of such minds, as have not been mended by religion, nor improved by good education;
1789] THE SUPREMEST COURT IN PENNSYLVANIA 39
"There is a Lust in Man no Charm can tame, Of loudly publishing his Neighbour's Shame."
Hence ;
" On Eagle's Wings immortal Scandals fly, While virtuous Actions are but born and die."
Dryden.
Whoever feels pain in hearing a good character of his neighbour, will feel a pleasure in the reverse. And of those who, despairing to rise into distinction by their virtues, are happy if others can be depressed to a level with themselves, there are a number sufficient in every great town to maintain one of these courts by their subscriptions. A shrewd ob- server once said, that, in walking the streets in a slippery morning, one might see where the good-natured people Hved by the ashes thrown on the ice before their doors ; probably he would have formed a different conjecture of the temper of those whom he might find engaged in such a subscription.
0/ Hit Checks proper to be established against the Abuse 0}
Power in these Courts.
Hitherto there are none. But since so much has been written and pubUshed on the federal Constitution, and the necessity of checks in all other parts of good government has been so clearly and learnedly explained, I find myself so far enlightened as to suspect some check may be proper in this part also ; but I have been at a loss to imagine any that may not be construed an infringement of the sacred liberty of the press. At length, however, I think I have found one that, instead of diminishing general liberty, shall augment it ; which is, by restoring to the people a species of liberty, of which they have been deprived by our laws, I mean the liberty 0} the cudgel. In the rude state of society prior to the
40 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
existence of laws, if one man gave another ill language, the affronted person would return it by a box on the ear, and, if repeated, by a good drubbing; and this without offending against any law. But now the right of making such returns is denied, and they are punished as breaches of the peace; while the right of abusing seems to remain in full force, the laws made against it being rendered ineffectual by the liberty 0} the press.
My proposal then is, to leave the liberty of the press un- touched, to be exercised in its full extent, force, and vigor; but to permit the liberty of the cudgel to go with it pari passu. Thus, my fellow-citizens, if an impudent writer attacks your reputation, dearer to you perhaps than your life, and puts his name to the charge, you may go to him as openly and break his head. If he conceals himself behind the printer, and you can nevertheless discover who he is, you may in like manner way-lay him in the night, attack him behind, and give him a good drubbing. Thus far goes my project as to private resentment and retribution. But if the public should ever happen to be affronted, as it aught to be, with the conduct of such writers, I would not advise proceeding immediately to these extremities ; but that we should in moderation con- tent ourselves with tarring and feathering, and tossing them in a blanket.
If, however, it should be thought that this proposal of mine may disturb the public peace, I would then humbly recom- mend to our legislators to take up the consideration of both liberties, that of the presSy and that of the cudgel, and by an explicit law. mark their extent and limits; and, at the same time that they secure the person of a citizen from assaults, they would likewise provide for the security of his reputation.
I7«9] TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 41
1768. TO GEORGE WASfflNGTON^ (l.c.)
Philad», Sept. 16, 1789
Dear Sir, My Malady renders my Sitting up to write rather painful to me ; but I cannot let my Son-in-law Mr. Bache part for New York, without congratulating you by him on the Re- covery of your Health, so precious to us all, and on the grow- ing Strength of our New Government under your Adminis- tration. For my own personal E^se, I should have died two Years ago ; but, tho' those Years have been spent in excru- ciating Pain, I am pleased that I have liv'd them, since they have brought me to see our present Situation. I am now finishing my 84th [year], and probably with it my Career in this Life ; but in whatever State of Existence I am placed hereafter, if I retain any Memory of what has pass'd here, I shall with it retain the Esteem, Respect, and Affection, with which I have long been, my dear Friend, yours most sincerely, B. Franklin.'
* In Washington Papers, Vol. 74, p. 132. — Ed. ' Washington replied to this letter as follows : —
" New York, September, 23, 1 789. (a. p. s. ) **DiarSir,
"The affectionate congratulations on the recovery of my health, and the warm expressions of personal friendship, which were contained in your letter of the 1 6th instant, claim my gratitude. And the consideration, that it was written when you were afflicted with a painful malady, greatly increases my obligation for it.
" Would to God, my dear Sir, that I could congratulate you upon the removal of that excruciating pain, under which you labour, and that your exist- ence might close with as much ease to yourself, as its continuance has been beneficial to our country and useful to mankind; or, if the united wishes of a free people, joined with the earnest prayers of every friend to science and humanity, could relieve the body from pains or infirmities, that you could
42 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
1769. TO COMTE DE MONTMORIN* (l. c.)
Philadelphia 21!* Sept. 1789.
Sir : — Tho' I have not the Vanity to suppose that I have any Influence with your Excellency, yet I cannot at the re- quest of Mr. Le Ray de Chaumont, Jr., refuse him this Testi- mony of my Regard. He has resided in this Country near four Years, during which time he has constantly conducted himself with so much Probity and Discretion as to gain the esteem of all Ranks, and by his living in the House of M. de Marbois, Consul of France at this Port, who has occasionally employ'd him in the Duties of that office, he has thereby acquired a Knowledge of that Business, sufficient to enable him to execute it. Should it please your Excellency to appoint him in the Room of M. de Marbois, who, as I understand, is likely to be otherwise provided for. By M. de Chaumont's Knowledge of the Business, the Language of the Country, and the high Esteem in which he is held here, I am Confident that his appointment would be both useful to his Sovereign and agreable to the Government and Citizens of this State.
claim an exemption on this score. But this cannot be, and you have within yourself the only resource to which we can confidently apply for relief, a philo- sophic mind.
"If to be venerated for benevolence, if to be admired for talents, if to be esteemed for patriotism, if to be beloved for philanthropy, can gratify the human mind, you must have the pleasing consolation to know, that you have not lived in vain. And I flatter myself that it will not be ranked among the least grateful occurrences of your life to he assured, that, so long as I retain my memory, y.u will be recollected with respect, veneration, and affection by your sincere friend, " Georoe WASHiNtrroN." — Ed.
> Armand-Marc, Comte de Montmorin — Saint-Herem (1745-1792), was appointed in 1787 minister of foreign affairs. — Ed.
1789] TO ^SYLVANUS URBAN ESQ:' 43
I hope your Excellency will excuse the Liberty I have taken, and believe me, with great Respect, sir your Excellency, etc.
B. Franklin.
1770. TO MRS. JANE MECOM (l. c.)
Philada., October 19, 1789.
Dear Sister : — I received your kind Lqtter of September the loth, by Cousin John Williams. I have also received and paid your Bill, and am pleased that you added to it on Accoimt of your Wood. As to my Health, it continues as usual, — sometimes better, sometimes worse, — and with respect to the Happiness hereafter which you mention, I have no Doubts about it, confiding as I do in the goodness of that Being who, thro' so long a Life, has conducted me with so many Instances of it. This Family joins in best wishes of Happiness to you and your^s with your affectionate Brother, B. Franklin.
1771. TO "SYLVANUS URBAN ESQ." (l. c.)
New York, Oct. 20, 1789
In your valuable Magazine* for July, 1788, 1 find a review of Dr. Kippis' "Life of Cook," containing the following Remark, viz.: "The Protection afforded to this Discoverer by the Court of France redounds highly to Mr. Turgot's Honour, while the narrow-souled Americans did all they could to obstruct him." I think the Writer of this Remark will
^ The GentUmatCs Magazine, It was edited in 1788 and 1789 by J. Nichols and D. Henry. The latter is to be understood as the " Sylvanus Urban" to whom the letter is addressed. — Ed.
44 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
find it difficult to produce a single Instance^ well authenti- cated, of any such Endeavour, used by the Americans; but I happen to have it in my Power to produce a strong con- trary Instance, which I send you enclosed, and doubt not of your doing so much Justice to the Americans as to make this Refutation of the Calumny equally pubUc with the Calunmy itself, by inserting it also in your Magazine. It is a true Copy of the circjilar-Letter sent by Dr. Franklin to all of the Commanders of the American Cruisers, then in the Euro- pean Seas; which was so well known to and so well taken by the Government in England that when Cook's Voyage was printed the Admiralty sent to that Gentleman an elegant Copy of it, with a very polite Letter from Lord Howe, express- ing that the Present was made with his Majesty's Approba- tion. The Royal Society also on the same Occasion pre- sented him with one of the Gold Medals struck by them of that illustrious Navigator, accompanied by a Letter from Sir Joseph Banks, their President, expressing likewise that it was sent with the Approbation of his Majesty. These I have seen ; and I wonder much that the Writer, who gives so particular an Account of the Distribution of those gold Medals, should be unacquainted with this Circumstance.
I am etc.
An American.
1772. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS* (p.c.)
Philad* Oct. 26, 1789
Dear Cousin I received your Letter from Boston just as you were about to depart for Virginia together with your Father's Account
1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Louis A. Biddle.-^ED.
1789] TO WILLIAM ALEXANDER 45
which makes a Balance of upwards of ;£20. due to me. As he has taken a great deal of Trouble in my Sister's AflFairs I do not think it right to expect Payment of that Ballance and have therefore wrote to him by your Brother enclosing a Receipt in full for the same.
I am glad you have disposed of the little Book for my Sister tho' at so low a rate. K you go from Virginia to Eng- land without calling here give my Love to your Wife and Sisters, and to Mr. Alexander, your Uncle, and let Mrs. Williams know that I shall be happy to see her and her sweet Girl arrive here with you. My best Wishes attend you,
being ever,
Your affectionate Uncle
B. FllANKLIN.
1773. TO WILLIAM ALEXANDER (l. c.)
Philadelphia, Oct. 26, 1789
My Dear Friend, You may remember, that two or three Years ago, I com- mimicated to you a Claim I had upon the State of Virginia, on Account of a Purchase it had made of some Types & other printing Materials belonging to me at the Beginning of the Troubles; The Value could not at that Time be ascertained. Mr. Bache, my Attorney, being unacquainted with it ; & my Papers and Accoimts being lost & destroyed during the late Confusions. I have now no Means of discovering what the Quantity was of the Types & what they cost me ; I only remember that there was a Fount of Law-Character for which I paid 30^ Sterl? & a large Fount of Greek which I think was valued at about 49£^StP-rl. besides a veiy con-
46 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN [1789
siderable Fount of Long- Primer, the Weight of which I forget, but suppose it might be about 500^** which at 1/6 per lb amounted to 37;^ 10/ Sterl*. There were also some Cases & other Things of which I cannot speak particularly. You were so kind as to offer me your Assistance in procuring from the Government some Satisfaction for this Claim, I now take the Liberty to request that you would endeavour it as soon as possible, as I wish to have all my Affairs settled before my Departure: The Law- Fount & the Greek were probably of no Use to the Government, & I should be willing to take them back if they still exist, and are entire. I suppose that the Value of Goods at that Time will be considered, as well as the Length of Time during which the Pa)mient has been delayed. I submit the Whole to the Honour & Equity of the Government, & shall be thankful for what they will be pleased to allow me. My best Wishes attend you, being ever
My Dear Friend,
Your's most affectionately
B Franklin.
1774. TO DONATIEN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT,
FILS (l. c.)
Philadelphia, Oct. ai"*, 1789.
Dear Friend: — I was too much indisposed yesterday to write in answer to your affecting Letter, but I have con- sidered the Case very attentively and will now give you the Result. In the first Place, what you demand of me is im- practicable The Sum I have to draw upon in France being but little more than half of what you require ; and upon that
1789] TO DON ATI EN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT, FILS 47
small Sum, tho' my late extraordinary Expences in Building have much straitened me in furnishing my ordinary Ex- pences, I dare not draw, under the present Circumstances of Affairs in that Country, lest thro' the Lowness of the Funds I should lose perhaps half my Property in selling out to pay the Bills, or in Case of public Bankruptcy, which I find is apprehended by many as a possible Case, my Bills should be returned under a Protest which, besides the Damages, would extremely embarrass me. By the last Accounts I received I suffered a loss of 15 per cent, in the Sale of my Funds to produce Money for the Payment of a Bill for 10,000 Livres, which I sold towards the End of the last Year, and we now learn from the public Prints that the new proposed Loan of 30 Millions does not fill, and that Mr. Neckar is discouraged and in bad Health, which together has occasioned the Funds to fall much lower. In the next Place, it seems to me that in your present Circumstances (excuse my Freedom in pre- suming to give you my Advice), it would be more adviseable for you to remain here a few Months longer, in order to finish your Affair with the Congress. They meet again in the Be- ginning of January, and there is no Doubt but the Officers thro' whose Hands such Affairs must pass, will be present, and your Accounts having been already examined and passed, I am of your Opinion, that they will probably be some of the first paid. Money, I think, will not be wanting, as it is thought that the immense Importation of Goods lately made into this Port must produce at least one-fourth of the Import expected from the whole of the United States. If you should be absent at the next Meeting of Congress it may occasion a still further Delay of Payment for want of somebody present to solicit the Business, which would be a further Prejudice
^ THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMm FRANKUK [1789
to the Creditors. If you should conclude to stay I would write a letter to your Father, which he might show to them, ex- pressing that your Stay was by my Counsel, with the Reasons, and that as soon as the Congress should meet I would sup- port your Application for immediate Payment with my strongest Interest. This Delay of two or three Months, I should think, cannot make much DiflFerence in your Father's Affairs, the present Disorders of that Country being con- sidered : Or if you apprehend, as you have mentioned, that the Creditors may suspect your having an Intention of assuming to your own Use the Property of your Father, you may, to prevent such Suspicions, oflFer the Creditors to deliver up to them or to any Person they shall please to appoint, all the Papers ascertaining your [imperfect]
1775. TO ROBERT MORRIS (l,c.)
Philada., Nov. 2, 1789
Deak Sir : — I should be glad if it might suit you to spare half an Hour some Day this Week, to settle between us the Loss that accrued on the Sale of my Funds in France, for the Payment of the Bills I furnished you with. The sooner the better, as I find myself growing weaker daily, and less fit for Business.
I am your affectionate Friend and humble Servant,
B. Fkankun.
P. S. — I enclose the two last Letters received from Messrs. Grand & Co., together with their Account, from which you may, at your Leisure, make the Computation. By the
1789 J TO BENJAMIN \^ AUG HAN 49
Letters you will perceive the care that was taken to choose the most favourable Time for the Sale of those Funds. As I reckon it, there is loj per cent, loss on 16,000 livres of the 23,000 sokl on the 23d of March, and 8 per cent, loss on the 80,000 sold April the 8th.
1776. TO JAMES LOGAN (l.c.)
Philada., Nov. 2, 1789.
Dear Sir : — Apprehending there is some Danger of my slipping through your Fingers if the Business we are engaged in is longer delayed, I feel uneasy till the vacant Trusteeships are filled up, and the Deed recorded. I wish therefore it may be agreable to you that we have a Meeting soon for that Purpose.
With great Esteem and Respect, I am, sir, your most
obedient himible Servant,
B. Franklin.
1777. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN*
Philadelphia, November 2, 1789.
My dearest Friend, I received your kind letter of August 8th. I thank you much for your intimations of the virtues of hemlock, but I have tried so many things with so little effect, that I am quite discouraged, and have no longer any faith in remedies for the stone. The palliating system is what I am now fixed in. Opium gives me ease when I am attacked by pain, and by the
* Firet printed by Sparks, Vol. X, p. 397. — Ed. VOL. X — E
50 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN [1789
use of it I still make life at least tolerable. Not being able, however, to bear sitting to write, I now make use of the hand of one of my grandsons, dictating to him from my bed.
I wish, indeed, I had tried this method sooner; for so, I think, I might by this time have finished my Memoirs, in which I have made no progress for these six months past. I have now taken the resolution to endeavour com- pleting them in this way of dictating to an amanuensis. What is already done, I now send you, with an earnest re- quest that you and my good friend Dr. Price would be so good as to take the trouble of reading it, critically examining it, and giving me your candid opinion whether I had best publish or suppress it ; and if the first, then what parts had better be expunged or altered. I shall rely upon your opin- ions, for I am now grown so old and feeble in mind, as well as body, that I cannot place any confidence in my own judg- ment. In the mean time, I desire and expect that you will not suffer any copy of it, or of any part of it, to be taken for any purpose whatever.
You present me with a pleasing idea of the happiness I might have enjoyed in a certain great house, and in the con- versation of its excellent owner, and his well chosen guests, if I could have spent some more time in England. That is now become impossible. My best wishes, however, attend him and his amiable son, in whose promising virtues and abilities I am persuaded the father will find much satisfaction.
The revolution in France is truly surprising. I sincerely wish it may end in establishing a good constitution for that country. The mischiefs and troubles it suffers in the opera- tion, however, give me great concern.
You request advice from me respecting your conduct and
1789] '^O BENJAMIN [^ AUG HAN 51
writijigs, and desire me to tell you their faults. As to your conduct, I know of nothing that looks like a fault, except your declining to act in any public station, although you are cer- tainly qualified to do much public good in many you must have had it in your power to occupy. In respect to your writings, your language seems to me to be good and pure, and your sentiments generally just ; but your style of composition wants perspicuity, and this I think owing principally to a neglect of method. What I would therefore recommend to you is, that, before you sit down to write on any subject, you would spend some days in considering it, putting down at the same time, in short hints, every thought which occurs to you as proper to make a part of your intended piece. When you have thus obtained a collection of the thoughts, examine them carefully with this view, to find which of them is proper- est to be presented f/rsi to the mind of the reader, that he, being possessed of that, may the more easily understand it, and be better disposed to receive what you intend for the second; and thus I would have you put a figure before each thought, to mark its future place in your composition. For so, every preceding proposition preparing the mind for that which is to follow, and the reader often anticipating it, he proceeds with ease, and pleasure, and approbation, as seeming continually to meet with his own thoughts. In this mode you have abetter chance for a perfect production; because, the mind attending first to the sentiments alone, next to the method alone, each part is likely to be better performed, and I think too in less time.
You see I give my counsel rather bluntly, without attempt- ing to soften my manner of finding fault by any apology, which would give some people great offence; but in the
53 THE WRITmGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
present situation of afifairs between us, when I am soliciting the advantage of your criticisms on a work of mine, it is per- haps my interest that you should be a little offended, in order to produce a greater degree of wholesome severity. I think with you, that, if my Memoirs are to be published, an edition of them should be printed in England for that country, as well as here for this, and I shall gladly leave it to your friendly management.
We have now had one session of Congress imder our new Constitution, which was conducted with, I think, a greater degree of temper, prudence, and unanimity, than could well have been expected, and our future prospects seem very favourable. The harvests of the last summer have been im- commonly plentiful and good ; yet the produce bears a high price, from the great foreign demand. At the same time, immense quantities of foreign goods are crowded upon us, so as to overstock the market, and supply us with what we want at very low prices. A spirit of industry and frugality is also very generally prevailing, which, being the most prom- ising sign of future national felicity, gives me infinite satis- faction.
Remember me most respectfully and affectionately to your good mother, sisters, and brother, and also to my dear Dr. Price ; and believe me, my dearest friend, yours most sincerely,
B. Franklin.
P. S. I have not received the Philosophical Transactions
for the two or three last years. They are usually laid by for
me at the Society's house, with my name upon them, and
remain there till called for. I shall be much obliged to you,
^ you can conveniently take them up and send them to me.
1789] '^O BENJAMIN V AUG HAN 53
Your mention of plagiarism puts me in mind of a charge of the same kind, which I lately saw in the British Repository^ concerning the Chapter of Abraham and the Stranger. Per- haps this is the attack your letter hints at, in which you defended me. The truth is, as I think you observe, that I never published that Chapter, and never claimed more credit from it, than what related to the style, and the addition of the concluding threatening and promise. The publishing of it by Lord Kames, without my consent, deprived me of a good deal of amusement, which I used to take in reading it by heart out of my Bible, and obtaining the remarks of the Scripturians upon it, which were sometimes very diverting; not but that it is in itself, on account of the importance of its moral, well worth being made known to all mankind.* When I wrote that in the form you now have it, I wrote also another,* the hint of which was also taken from an ancient Jewish tradition; but, not having the same success with it as the other, I laid it aside, and have not seen it for thirty years past, till within these few days a lady of my acquaint- ance furnished me with a copy, which she had preserved. I think however it is not a bad one, and send it to you enclosed.
1 Sec the "Parable against Persecution," Introduction, Vol. I, p. 179.— Ed.
• Probablj the " Fkrable on Brotherly Love." — S.
THE WRlTmGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
1778. QUERIES AND REMARKS
BESPECTING ALTESATIONS IN THE CONSTITUTION OF PENN- SYLVANIA ' (l. C.)
I. OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH.
" YouT executive should consist 0} a single Person. "
On this I would ask, Is he to have no Council ? How is he to be informed of the State and Circumstances of the different Counties, their Wants, their Abilities, their Dis- positions, and the Characters of the principal People, respect- ing their Integrity, Capacities, and Qualifications for Offices? Does not the present Construction of our Executive provide well for these particulars? And, during the Number of Years it has existed, have its Errors or Failures in answering the End of its Appointment been more or greater than might have been expected from a single Person?
"But an Individual is more easily watched and controlled than any greater Number."
On this I would ask. Who is to watch and controul him ? anri by what Means is he to be controuled ? Will not those Means, whatever they arc, and in whatever Body vested, be subject to the same Inconvcniencies of Expence, Delay, (.)bstruction of good Intentions, &c., which are objected to ihf present Executive?
' From a trans, corrected in le»ci pencil by Franklin. The " Queries and Kemufka " were written in reply to a paper — "Hints for the Members of 0>nvcnli»n" — published in the Ftdtral Ca'-rllt, November 3,1789. — Eii.
1789] THE CONSTITUTION OF PENNSYLVANIA 55
n. THE DURATION OF THE APPOINTMENT.
''This should be governed by the following Principles, the Independency 0} the Magistrate, and the Stability 0} his Ad- ministration; neither 0} which can be secured but by putting both beyond the Reach 0} every annual Gust 0} Folly and 0} Faction"
On this it may be asked, ought it not also to be put beyond the Reach of every triennial, quinquennial, or septennial Gust of Folly and of Faction, and, in short, beyond the Reach of Folly and of Faction at any Period whatever? Does not this Reasoning aim at establishing a Monarchy at least for Life, like that of Poland ? or to prevent the Inconveniencies such as that Kingdom is subject to in a new Election on every Decease does it not point to an hereditary succession ? Are the Freemen of Pennsylvania convinced, from a View of the History of such Governments, that it will be for their Advan- tage to submit themselves to a Government of such Construc- tion?
m. ON THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH.
"i4 plural Legislature is as necessary to good Government as a single Executive, It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided. Numbers alone are not a sufficient Barrier against the Impulses of Pas- sion, the Combinations of Interest, the Intrigues of Faction, the Haste of Folly, or the Spirit of Encroachment. One Division should watch over and controul the other, supply its Wants, correct its Blunders, and cross its Designs, should they be criminal or erroneous. Wisdom is the specific Quality of the Legislature, grows out of the Number of the Body, and is
56 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
made up 0} the Portions 0} Sense and Knowledge which each Member brings to it"
On this it may be asked^ May not the Wisdom brought to the Legislature by each Member be as effectual a Barrier against the Impulses of Passion, &c., when the Members are united in one Body, as when they are divided ? If one Part of the Legislature may controul the Operations of the other, may not the Impulses of Passion, the Combinations of Interest, the Intrigues of Faction, the Haste of Folly, or the Spirit of Encroachment in one of those Bodies obstruct the good proposed by the other, and frustrate its Advantages to the Public ? Have we not experienced in this Colony, when a Province under the Government of the Proprietors, the Mischiefs of a second Branch existing in the Proprietary Family, countenanced and aided by an Aristocratic Council ? How many Delays and what great Expences were occasioned in carrying on the public Business; and what a Train of Mischiefs, even to the preventing of the Defence of the Prov- ince during several Years, when distressed by an Indian war, by the iniquitous Demand that the Proprietary Property should be exempt from Taxation ! The Wisdom of a few Members in one single Legislative Body, may it not frequently stifle bad Motions in their Infancy, and so prevent their being adopted ? whereas, if those wise Men, in case of a double Legislature, should happen to be in that Branch wherein the Motion did not arise, may it not, after being adopted by the other, occasion lengthy Disputes and Contentions between the two Bodies, expensive to the Public, obstructing the public Busi- ness, and promoting Factions among the People, many Tem- -turally adhering obstinately to Measures they have
1789] THE* CONSTITUTION OF PENNSYLVANIA 57
once publicly adopted? Have we not seen, in one of our neighbouring States, a bad Measure, adopted by one Branch of the Legislature, for Want of the Assistance of some more intelligent Members who had been packed into the other, occasion many Debates, conducted with much Asperity, which could not be settled but by an expensive general Ap- peal to the People ? And have we not seen, in another neigh- bouring State, a similar DifiFerence between the two Branches, occasioning long Debates and Contentions, whereby the State was prevented for many Months enjoying the Advan- tage of having Senators in the Congress of the United States? And has our present Legislative in one Assembly committed any Errors of Importance, which they have not remedied, or may not easily remedy; more easily, probably, than if divided into two Branches? And if the Wisdom brought by the Members to the Assembly is divided into two Branches, may it not be too weak in each to support a good Measure, or obstruct a bad one ? The Division of the Legislature into two or three Branches in England, was it the Product of Wis- dom, or the Effect of Necessity, arising from the preexisting Prevalence of an odious Feudal System ? which Government, notwithstanding this Division is now become in Fact an absolute Monarchy; since the King, by bribing the Repre- sentatives with the People's Money, carries, by his Ministers, all the Measures that please him; which is equivalent to governing without a Parliament, and renders the Machine of Government much more complex and expensive, and, from its being more complex, more easily put out of Order. Has not the famous political Fable of the Snake, with two Heads and one Body, some useful Instruction contained in it ? She was going to a Brook to drink, and in her Way was to pass
S8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
thro' a Hedge, a Twig of which opposed her direct Course ; one Head chose to go on the right side of the Twig, the other on the left ; so that time was spent in the Contest, and, before the Decision was completed, the poor Snake died with thirst.
"Hence il is that the two Branches should be elected by Per- sons difjerently qualijied; and in short, that, as jar as possible, they should be made to represent different Interests. Under this Reasoning I would establish a Legislature of two Houses. The Upper should represent the Property; the Lower the Population of the Slate. The upper should be chosen by Freemen possessing in Lands and Houses one thousand Pounds; the Lower by all such as had resided four Years in the Country, and paid Taxes. The first should be chosen for jour, the last for two years. They should in Authority be co-
Several Questions may arise upon this Proposition, ist.
\^'hal is the Proportion of Freemen possessing Lands and
Houses of ODL' tliousand Pounds' value, compared to that of
Freemen whose Possessions arc inferior? Are they as one
to ten? Are tlity even as one to twenty? I should doubt
whether they arc as one to fifty. If this minority is to chuse
« a Body expressly to controul that which is to be chosen by the
k great Majority of the Freemen, what have this great Majority
Ldane to forfeil so great a Portion of their Right in Elections?
f is this Po\\er of Controul, contrary to the spirit of all
nocracies, to be vested in a Minority, instead of a Majority?
^.3^11 is il intended, or is it not, that the Rich should have a
f,yotc in Ihe Ciioice of Members for the lower House, while
feriur Property are deprived of the Right of voting
-s of the upper House? And why should the
1789] THE CONSTITUTION OF PENNSYLVANIA 59
upper House, chosen by a Minority, have equal Power with the lower chosen by a Majority ? Is it supposed that Wisdom is the necessary concomitant of Riches, and that one Man worth a thousand Pounds must have as much Wisdom as Twenty who have each only 999 ; and why is Property to be represented at all? Suppose one of our Indian Nations should now agree to form a civil Society; each Individual would bring into the Stock of the Society little more Property than his Gim and his Blanket, for at present he has no other. We know, that, when one of them has attempted to keep a few Swine, he has not been able to maintain a Property in them, his neighbours thinking they have a Right to kill and eat them whenever they want Provision, it being one of their \faxims that hunting is free for all ; the accumulation there- fore of Property in such a Society, and its Security to Individ- uals in every Society, must be an EflFect of the Protection afforded to it by the joint Strength of the Society, in the Exe- cution of its Laws. Private Property therefore is a Creature of Society, and is subject to the Calls of that Society, when- ever its Necessities shall require it, even to its last Farthing; its Contributions therefore to the public Exigencies are not to be considered as conferring a Benefit on the Publick, entitling the Contributors to the Distinctions of Honour and Power, but as the Return of an Obligation previously received, or the Payment of a just Debt. The Combinations of Civil Society are not like those of a Set of Merchants, who club their Property in different Proportions for Building and Freighting a Ship, and may therefore have some Right to vote in the Disposition of the Voyage in a greater or less Degree according to their respective Contributions ; but the important ends of Civil Society, and the personal Securities
6o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
of Life and Liberty, these remain the same in every Member of the society; and the poorest continues to have an equal Claim to them with the most opulent, whatever DiflFerence Time, Chance, or Industry may occasion in their Circum- stances. On these Considerations, I am sorry to see the Signs this Paper I have been considering affords, of a Dis- position among some of our People to commence an Aris- tocracy, by giving the Rich a predominancy in Government, a Choice peculiar to themselves in one half the Legislature to be proudly called the upper House, and the other Branch, chosen by the Majority of the People, degraded by the De- nomination of the LOWER ; and giving to this upper House a Permanency of four Years, and but two to the lower. I hope, therefore, that our Representatives in the Convention will not hastily go into these Innovations, but take the Advice of the Prophet, ^^ Stand in the old ways^ view the ancient Paths ^ consider them wellj and he not among those that are given to Change:'
1779. TO JOHN WRIGHT
Philadelphia, November 4, 1789.
Dear Friend,
I received your kind letter of July the 31st, which gave me great pleasure, as it informed me of the welfare both of your- self and your good lady, to whom please to present my respects. I thank you for the epistle of your yearly meeting, and for the card, a specimen of printing, which was enclosed.
We have now had one session of Congress, which was con- ducted under our new Constitution, and with as much general satisfaction as could reasonably be expected. I wish the struggle in France may end as happily for that nation. We
1789] TO JOHN WRIGHT 61
are now in the full enjoyment of our new government for eUven of the States, and it is generally thought that North Carolina is about to join it. Rhode Island will probably take longer time for consideration.
We have had a most plentiful year for the fruits of the earth, and our people seem to be recovering fast from the extrava- gance and idle habits, which the war had introduced ; and to engage seriously in the country habits of temperance, f ru- gality, and industry, which give the most pleasing prospect of future national felicity. Your merchants, however, are, I think, imprudent in crowding in upon us such quantities of goods for sale here, which are not written for by ours, and are beyond the faculties of this country to consume in any reason- able time. This surplus of goods is, therefore, to raise present money, sent to the vendues, or auction-houses, of which we have six or seven in and near this city ; where they are sold frequently for less than prime cost, to the great loss of the indiscreet adventurers. Our newspapers are doubtless to be seen at your coffee-houses near the Exchange. In their advertisements you may observe the constancy and quantity of this kind of sales; as well as the quantity of goods im- ported by our regular traders. I see in your English news- papers frequent mention of our being out of credit with you ; to us it appears, that we have abundantly too much, and that your exporting merchants are rather out of their senses.
I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an aboli- tion of the Slave Trade. The epistle from your Yearly Meeting, for the year 1758, was not the frst sowing of the good seed you mention ; for I find by an old pamphlet in my possession, that George Keith, near a hundred years since, wrote a paper against the practice, said to be "given forth by
62 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN^ [1789
the appointment of the meeting held by him, at Philij) James's house, in the city of Philadelphia, about the year 1693;'* wherein a strict charge was given to Friends, "that they should set their negroes at liberty, after some reasonable time of service, &c. &c.'* And about the year 1728, or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford, another of your Friends in this city, against keeping negroes in slavery ; two editions of which he distributed gratis. And about the year 1736, I printed another book on the same subject for Benjamin Lay, who also professed being one of your Friends, and he distributed the books chiefly among them. By these instances it appears, that the seed was indeed sown in the good ground of your profession, though much earlier than the time you mention, and its springing up to effect at last, though so late, is some confirmation of Lord Bacon's obser- vation, that a good motion never dies; and it may encourage us in making such, though hopeless of their taking immediate effect.
I doubt whether I shall be able to finish my Memoirs, and, if I finish them, whether they will be proper for publication. You seem to have too high an opinion of them, and to expect too much from them.
I think you are right in preferring a mixed form of govern- ment for your country, under its present circumstances ; and if it were possible for you to reduce the enormous salaries and emoluments of great officers, which are at bottom the source of all your violent factions, that form might be conducted more quietly and happily ; but I am afraid, that none of your fac- tions, when they get uppermost, will ever have virtue enough to reduce those salaries and emoluments, but will rather choose to enjoy them.
1789] TO SAMUEL MOORE 63
I enclose a bill for twenty-five pounds, for which, when
received, please to credit my account, and out of it pay Mr.
Benjamin Vaughan, of Jeffries Square, and Mr. William
Vaughan, his brother, of Mincing Lane, such accounts against
me as they shall present to you for that purpose. I am, my
dear friend, yours very affectionately,
B. Franklin.
1780. TO SAMUEL MOORE*
Philadelphia, November 5, 1789.
Dear Sm,
I received your favour of July 25th, but had no opportunity of showing any civility to the bearer, whom you mention as coming under the auspices of William Franklin, as he did not show himself to me.
I am obliged by your kind inquiries after my health, which is still tolerably good, the stone excepted ; my constitution being such, as, if it were not for that malady, might have held out yet some years longer.
I hope the fire of liberty, which you mention as spreading itself over Europe, will act upon the inestimable rights of man, as common fire does up)on gold; purify without de- stroying them ; so that a lover of liberty may find a country in any part of Christendom.
I see with pleasure in the public prints, that our Society ' is still kept up and flourishes. I was an early member; for, when Mr. Shipley sent me a list of the subscribers, they were
* Secretary of the London Society for promoting Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce. Printed from Sparks, Vol. X, p. 406. — Ed.
•Tlic London Society for promoting Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, — Ed.
04 THE WRirmaS of BENJAMm FRAPTKLm [17S9
but seventy; and, though I had no expectation then of going to England, and acting with them, I sent a contribution of twenty guineas; in consideration of which the Society were afterwards pleased to consider me a member.
I wish to the exertions of your manufacturers, who are gen- erally excellent, and to the spirit and enterprise of your mer- chants, who are famed for fair and honourable dealing, all the success they merit in promoting the prosperity of your coun- try.
I am glad our friend Small enjo)rs so much health, and his faculties so perfectly, as I perceive he does by his letters. I know not whether he is yet returned from his visit to Scot- land, and therefore give you the trouble of the enclosed. My best wishes attend you, being ever, dear Sir, your most obe- dient servant,
B. Franklin.
1781. TO ALEXANDER SMALL*
Philadelphia, November 5, 1789.
Dear Sm,
I received your several favours of April 23d, May 9th, and June 2d, together with the manuscript concerning VenHla- iioHy which will be inserted in our next volume.
I have long been of your opinion, that your legal provision for the poor is a very great evil, operating as it does to the encouragement of idleness. We have followed your example, and begin now to see our error, and, I hope, shall reform it. I find by your letters, that every man has patience enough to bear calmly and coolly the injuries done to other people.
^ From *<The Private Correspondence of Benjamin FrankUn** (1S18), Vol. I, p. 256. — Ed.
1789] '^O ALEXANDER SMALL 65
You have perfectly forgiven the royalists, and you seem to wonder, that we should still retain any resentment against them for their joining with the savages to burn our houses, and murder and scalp our friends, our wives, and our chil- dren. I forget who it was that said, "We are commanded to forgive our enemies, but we are nowhere commanded to for- give our friends." Certain it is, however, that atrocious in- juries done to us by our friends are naturally more deeply resented than the same done by enemies. They have left us, to live under the government of their King in England and Nova Scotia. We do not miss them, nor wish their return; nor do we envy them their present happiness.
The accounts you give me of the great prospects you have respecting your manufactures, agriculture, and commerce, are pleasing to me ; for I still love England and wish it pros- perity. You tell me, that the government of France is abun- dantly punished for its treachery to England in assisting us. You might also have remarked, that the government of England had been punished for its treachery to France in assisting the Corsicans, and in seizing her ships in time of full peace, without any previous declaration of war. I believe govemTients are pretty near equal in honesty, and cannot with much propriety praise their own in preference to that of their neighbours.
You do me too much honour in namincr me with Timoleon. I am like him only in retiring from my public labours ; which indeed my stone, and other infirmities of age, have made indispensably necessary.
I hope you are by this time returned from your visit to your native country, and that the journey has given a firmer con- sistence to your health. Mr. Penn's property in this country,
VOL.X — F
66 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
which you inquire about, is still immensely great; and I understand he has received ample compensation in England for the part he lost.
I think you have made a happy choice of rural amusements ; the protection of the bees, and the destruction of the hop insect. I wish success to your experiments, and shall be glad to hear the result. Your Theory of Insects appears the most ingenious and plausible of any, that have hitherto been proposed by philosophers.
Our new Constitution is now established with eleven States,
and the accession of a twelfth is soon expected. We have
had one session of Congress under it, which was conducted
with remarkable prudence, and a good deal of unanimity.
Our late harvests were plentiful, and our produce still fetches
a good price, through an abundant foreign demand and the
flourishing state of our commerce. I am ever, my dear friend,
yours most affectionately,
B. Franbxin.
1782. AN ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC;
FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA SOdETY FOR PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, AND THE RELIEF OF FREE NEGROES UNLAWFULLY HELD IN BONDAGE.
It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine expectations.
Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing
1789] A^ ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC ON SLAVERY 67
itself throughout the world, and humbly hoping for the con- tinuance of the divine blessing on our labours, we have ven- tured to make an important addition to our original plan, and do therefore earnestly solicit the support and assistance of all who can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and com- passion, or relish the exalted pleasure of beneficence.
Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may sometimes open a source of serious evils.
The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute animal, too frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human species. The galling chains, that bind his body, do also fetter his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of his heart. Accustomed to move hke a mere machine, by the will of a master, reflection is suspended; he has not the power of choice ; and reason and conscience have but little influence over his conduct, because he is chiefly governed by the passion of fear. He is poor and friendless; perhaps worn out by extreme labour, age, and disease.
Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to himself, and prejudicial to society.
Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be hoped, will become a branch of our national policy ; but, as far as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us, and which we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities.
To instruct, to advise, to qualify those, who have been re- stored to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty, to promote in them habits of industry, to furnish
68 THE WRITWGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789
them with emplo}rments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other circumstances, and to procure their children an edu- cation calculated for their future situation in life ; these are the great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected fellow-creatures.
A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordi- nary funds of the Society. We hope much from the generosity of enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which may be made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pem- berton, chairman of our committee of correspondence.
Signed, by order of the Society,
B. Franklin, Presideni.
Philadelphia, 9th of November, 1789.
1783. TO JEAN BAPTISTE LE ROY*
Philadelphia, November 13, 1789
It is now more than a year, since I have heard from my dear friend Le Roy. What can be the reason? Are you still living ? Or have the mob of Paris mistaken the head of a monopolizer of knowledge, for a monopolizer of com, and paraded it about the streets upon a pole.
Great part of the news we have had from Paris, for near a year past, has been very afflicting. I sincerely wish and pray
^ From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818), Vol. I, p. 258. — Ed.
1789] TO M. LE VEILLARD 69
it may all end well and happy, both for the King and the nation. The voice of Philosophy I apprehend can hardly be heard among those tumults. If any thing material in that way had occurred, I am persuaded you would have acquainted me with it. However, pray let me hear from you a little oftener ; for, though the distance is great, and the means of conveying letters not very regular, a year's silence between friends must needs give imeasiness.
Our new Constitution is now established, and has an ap- pearance that promises permanency ; but in this world noth- ing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes.
My health continues much as it has been for some time, except that I grow thinner and weaker, so that I cannot expect to hold out much longer.
My respects to your good brother, and to our friends of the
Academy, which always has my best wishes for its prosperity
and glory. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours
most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
1784. TO M. LE VEILLARD (l. c.)
Philada., Nov. 13, 1789
Dear Friend : — This must be but a short Letter, for I have mislaid your last and must postpone answering them till I have found them ; but to make you some Amends I send you what is done of the Memoirs, under this express Condition however, that you do not suffer any Copy to be taken of them, or of any Part of them, on any Account whatever, and that you will, with your excellent Friend the Duke de la Roche- foucaulty read them over carefully, examine them critically,
70 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
and send me your friendly, candid Opinion of the Parts you would advise me to correct or expunge; this in Case you should be of Opinion that they are generally proper to be published ; and if you judge otherwise, that you would send me that Opinion as soon as possible, and prevent my taking farther Trouble in endeavouring to finish them. I send you also the Paper you desire respecting our Payment of old English Debts.
The Troubles you have had in Paris have afflicted me a great deal. I hope by this Time they are over, and every- thing settled as it should be, to the Advantage both of the King and Nation.
My love to good Mme. Le Veillard and your Children, in
which Sec'y Benjamin joins; and believe me as ever, your
affectionate Friend,
B. Franklin.
1785. TO DONATIEN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT
(l. c.)
Philadelphia, Nov. 14, 1789.
My Good and Dear Old Friend : — Your very valuable Son came to this Town lately with the full Intention of taking his Passage for France in Obedience to the Commands of his much respected Father and Mother, and supposing that his Presence there would be useful to the Affairs of the Family. But on his communicating his Purpose to me and acquaint- ing me at the same Time with the present Situation of his Demand upon Congress, where your Accounts against them have been examined and approved, and the Payment only delayed 'till by the Operation of our New Constitution the Congress shall be furnished with Money to discharge them,
1789] TO DONATIEN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT 71
I could not help thinking it would be more adviseable for him to postpone his Voyage two or three Months when he might hope to see his Business here completed to his and your Satis- faction, than to leave it in its present State, which might occasion a much longer Delay ; for the Impost Law, passed at the last Session of Congress, being now in full Force thro' all the States of the Union [imperfect] Importation of Goods on which [imperfect] Duties are paid having lately been im- mensely great, the flow of Money into the Treasury must be proportionable, so that when they meet again, which will be early in January next, they will find themselves in Posses- sion of a very considerable Sum ; and as their Debt to you was one of the earliest they contracted, I suppose it will of Course be one of the first they will think of discharging ; and I have promised him to use my best Interest and Endeavours with them for that Purpose. He has accordingly thought fit to take my Advice, and I hope it will be approved by you and his good Mother, and that this short Delay will not occasion any great Inconvenience; whereas if he should be absent when the first Payments are made, his AflFair might be postponed for another Year. We hope indeed that when he does visit you, you will not think of detaining and fixing him in France ; for we are not willing to part with him ; his Behaviour having been such, during his Residence among us, as to obtain for him the Good- Will, Respect and Esteem of all who have had the Pleasure of knowing him.
Pray make my Respects acceptable to good Madame [im- perfect].
B. Franklin.
72 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
1786. TO DAVID HARTLEY (l. c.)
Philad% Dec 4, 1789.
My very dear Friend,
I received your Favor of August last. Your kind Con- dolences on the painful State of my Health are very obliging. I am thankful to God, however, that, among the numerous Ills human Life is subject to, one only of any Importance is fallen to my Lot ; and that so late as ahnost to insure that it can be but of short Duration.
The Convulsions in France are attended with some dis- agreable Circumstances ; but if by the Struggle she obtains and secures for the Nation its future Liberty, and a good Constitution, a few Years' Enjoyment of those Blessings will amply repair all the Damages their Acquisition may have occasioned. God grant, that not only the Love of Liberty, but a thorough Knowledge of the Rights of Man, may per- vade all the Nations of the Earth, so that a Philosopher may set his Foot anywhere on its Surface, and say, "This is my Country.'*
Your Wishes for a cordial and perpetual Friendship be- tween Britain and her ancient Colonies are manifested con- tinually in every one of your Letters to me; something of my Disposition on the same Subject may appear to you in casting your Eye over the enclosed Paper. I do not by this Opportunity send you any of our Gazettes, because the Postage from Liverpool would be more than they are worth. I can now only add my best Wishes of every kind of Felicity for the three amiable Hartleys, to whom I have the honor of being an affectionate friend and most obedient humble ser- vant, [B. Franklin.]
1789] TO MRS. JANE MECOM 73
1787. TO MRS. JANE MECOM*
Philadelphia, December 17, 1789.
Dear Sister,
You tell me you are desired by an acquaintance to ask my opinion, whether the general circumstances mentioned in the history of Baron Trenck are founded in fact ; to which I can only answer, that, of the greatest part of those circumstances, the scene being laid in Germany, I must consequently be very ignorant; but of what he says as having passed in France, between the ministers of that country, himself, and me, I can speak positively, that it is founded in falsehood, and that the fact can only serve to confound, as I never saw him in that country, nor ever knew or heard of him anywhere, till I met with the abovementioned history in print, in the German language, in which he ventured to relate it as a fact, that I had, with those ministers, solicited him to enter into the American service. A translation of that book into French has since been printed, but the translator has omitted that pretended fact, probably from an apprehension, that its being in that country known not to be true might hurt the credit and sale of the translation.
I thank you for the sermon on Sacred Music. I have read it with pleasure. I think it a very ingenious composition. You will say this is natural enough, if you read what I have formerly written on the same subject in one of my printed letters, wherein you will find a perfect agreement of sentiment resj>ecting the complex music, of late, in my opinion, too much in vogue ; it being only pleasing to learned ears, which can be
* From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1 81 8), VoL I, p. 260. — Eu.
74 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
delighted with the difficulty of execution, instead of har- mony and melody. Your affectionate brother,
B. Franklin.
1788. TO (L.C.)
Philada.y Dec? 19, 1789.
Dear Friend : — I have received your kind Letter of the 5th Inst., together with your Present of Metheglin, of which I have already drank almost a Bottle. I find it excellent; please to accept my thankful Acknowledgments.
The Letter of yours enclosed is from the Widow of a Jew, who, happening to be one of a Number of Passengers, that were about 40 Years ago in a Stage-Boat going to New York, and which, by the unskillful management of the Boatman, overset the Canoe from whence I was endeavouring to get on board her, near Staten Island, has ever since worried me with Demands of a Gratis for having, as he pretended, been instrumental in saving my Life ; tho' that was in no Danger, as we were near the Shore, and you know what an expert Swimmer I am, and he was no more of any Service to me in stopping the Boat to take me in than every other Passenger ; to all whom I gave a liberal Entertainment at the Tavern when we arrived at New York, to their general satisfaction, at the Time; but this Hayes never saw me afterwards, at New York, or Brunswick, or Philada. that he did not dun me for Money on the Pretence of his being poor, and having been so happy as to be Instrumental in saving my Life, which was really in no Danger. In this way he got of me sometimes a double Joannes, sometimes a Spanish Doubloon, and never less ; how much in the whole I do not know, having
1789J TO NOAH WEBSTER 75
kept no Account of it ; but it must have been a very consider- able Sum ; and he never incurred any Risque, nor was at any Trouble in my Behalf, I have long since thought him well paid for any little Expence of Humanity he might have felt on the Occasion. He seems, however, to have left me to his Widow as part of her Dowry.
1789. TO MILES MERWIN (a.p.s.)
Dec. 21. '89.
A PAINFUL illness has hitherto prevented Dr. Franklin's answering Mr. Merwin's obliging letter. He is extreamly sensible of the Honour proposed to be done him by the Dedication, and requests Mr. Merwin to accept his Thanks ;
•
but cannot rive his Consent to the publishing such
^ r- o extensive
Encomiums on his own Conduct, and hopes MT Merwin will excuse the Refusal.
1790. TO NOAH WEBSTER (l. l.)
(l. c.)
Philad*, Dec' 26, 1789.
Dear Sir, I received some Time since your Dissertalions on the Eng- lish Language. The Book was not accompanied by any Letter or Message, informing me to whom I am obliged for it, but I suppose it is to yourself. It is an excellent Work, and will be greatly useful in turning the Thoughts of our Countrymen to correct Writing. Please to accept my Thanks for it as well as for the great honour you have done me in
76 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
its Dedication. I ought to have made this Acknowledgment sooner, but much Indisposition prevented me.
I cannot but applaud your 2feal for preserving the Purity of our Language, both in its Expressions and Pronun- ciation, and in correcting the popular Errors several of our States are continually falling into with respect to both. Give me leave to mention some of them, though possibly they may have already occurred to you. I wish, however, in some future Publication of yours, you would set a discoun- tenancing Mark upon them. The first I remember is the word improved. When I left New England, in the year 23, this Word had never been used among us, as far as I know, but in the sense of ameliorated or made better^ except once in a very old Book of Dr. Mather's, entitled Remarkable Provi- dences. As that eminent Man wrote a very obscure Hand, I remember that when I read that Word in his Book, used instead of the Word imployed, I conjectured that it was an Error of the Printer, who had mistaken a too short / in the Writing for an r, and a y with too short a Tail f or a v ; whereby imployed was converted into improved.
But when I returned to Boston, in 1733, I found this Change had obtained Favour, and was then become common ; for I met with it often in perusing the Newspapers, where it frequently made an Appearance rather ridiculous. Such, for Instance, as the Advertisement of a Coimtry-House to be sold, which had been many years improved as a Tavern ; and, in the Character of a deceased Coimtry Gentleman, that he had been for more than 30 Years improved as a Justice-of-Peace. This Use of the Word improved is peculiar to New England, and not to be met with among any other Speakers of English, either on this or the other Side of the Water.
1789] TO NOAH WEBSTER 77
During my late Absence in France, I find that several other new Words have been introduced into our parliamentary Language; for Example, I find a Verb formed from the Substantive Notice; I should not have noticed thiSy were U not thai the Gentleman^ &c. Also another Verb from the Substantive Advocate; The Gentleman who advocates or has ADVOCATED that Motion, &c. Another from the Sub- stantive Progress, the most awkward and abominable of the three; The committee, having progressed, resolved to ad- jaum. The Word opposed, tho' not a new Word, I find used in a new Manner, as, The Gentlemen who are opposed to this Measure; to which I have also myself always been opposed. If you should happen to be of my Opinion with respect to these Innovations, you will use your Authority in reprobating them.
The Latin Language, long the Vehicle used in distributing Knowledge among the different Nations of Europe, is daily more and more neglected ; and one of the modem Tongues, viz. the French, seems in point of UniversaUty to have sup- plied its place. It is spoken in all the Courts of Europe; and most of the Literati, those even who do not speak it, have acquired Knowledge enough of it to enable them easily to read the Books that are written in it. This gives a con- siderable Advantage to that Nation; it enables its Authors to inculcate and spread through other Nations such Senti- ments and Opinions on important Points, as are most con- ducive to its Interests, or which may contribute to its Reputa- tion by promoting the common Interests of Mankind. It is perhaps owing to its being written in French, that Voltaire's Treatise on Toleration has had so sudden and so great an Effect on the Bigotry of Europe, as almost entirely to disarm
78 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789
it. The general Use of the French Language has likewise a very advantageous EflFect on the Profits of the Bookselling Branch of Commerce, it being well known, that the more Copies can be sold that are struck oflF from one Composition of T3rpes, the Profits increase in a much greater Proportion than they do in making a great Number of Pieces in any other Kind of Manufacture. And at present there is no Capital Town in Europe without a French Bookseller's Shop corre- sponding with Paris.
Our English bids fair to obtain the second Place. The great Body of excellent printed Sermons in our Language, and the Freedom of our Writings on political Subjects, have induced a Number of Divines of diflFerent Sects and Nations, as well as Gentlemen concerned in public AflFairs, to study it ; so far at least as to read it. And if we were to endeavour the Facilitating its Progress, the Study of our Tongue might become much more general. Those, who have employed some Part of their Time in learning a new Language, must have frequently observed, that, while their Acquaintance with it was imperfect. Difficulties small in themselves operated as great ones in obstructing their Progress. A Book, for Example, ill printed, or a Pronunciation in speaking, not well articulated, would render a Sentence unintelligible ; which, from a clear Print or a distinct Speaker, would have been immediately comprehended. If therefore we would have the Benefit of seeing our Language more generally known among Mankind, we should endeavour to remove all the Difficulties, however small, that discourage the learning it.
But I am sorry to observe, that, of late Years, those Diffi- culties, instead of being diminished, have been augmented. In examining the English Books, that were printed between
i^
I7«9] "^O NOAH WEBSIER 79
the Restoration and the Accession of George the 2*, we may observe, that all Substantives were begun with a capital, in which we imitated our Mother Tongue, the German. This was more particularly useful to those, who were not well acquainted with the English ; there being such a prodigious Number of our Words, that are both Verbs and Substantives^ and spelt in the same manner, tho' often accented diflFerently in Pronunciation.
This Method has, by the Fancy of Printers, of late Years been laid aside, from an Idea, that suppressing the Capitals shows the Character to greater Advantage; those Letters prominent above the line disturbing its even regular Appear- ance. The EflFect of this Change is so considerable, that a learned Man of France, who used to read our Books, tho' not perfectly acquainted with our Language, in Conversa- tion with me on the Subject of our Authors, attributed the greater Obscurity he found in our modem Books, compared with those of the Period above mentioned, to a Change of Style for the worse in our Writers, of which Mistake I con- vinced him, by marking for him each Substantive with a Capital in a Paragraph, which he then easily understood, the* before he could not comprehend it. This shows the Inconvenience of that pretended Improvement.
From the same Fondness for an even and uniform Appear- ance of Characters in the Line, the Printers have of late ban- ished also the Italic Types, in which Words of Importance to be attended to in the Sense of the Sentence, and Wordff on which an Emphasis should be put in Reading, used to be printed. And lately another Fancy has induced some Printers to use the short round 5, instead of the long one, which formerly served well to distinguish a word readily by
8o THE WRITWGS OF BEJ^/AAflJ^ FRAI^ICLIAT [1789
its varied appearance. Certainly the omitting this prominent Letter makes the Line appear more even; but renders it less immediately legible; as the paring all Men's Noses might smooth and level their Faces, but would render their Physiognomies less distinguishable.
Add to all these Improvements backwards^ another modem Fancy, that grey Printing is more beautiful than black; hence the English new Books are printed in so dim a Char- acter, as to be read with difficulty by old Eyes, imless in a very strong Light and with good Glasses. Whoever com- pares a Volume of the Gentleman^s Magazine, printed between the Years 1731 and 1740, with one of those printed in the last ten Years, will be convinced of the much greater Degree of Perspicuity given by black Ink than by grey. Lord Ches- terfield pleasantly remarked this DiflFerence to Faulkener, the Printer of the Dublin Journal, who was vainly making Encomiums on his own Paper, as the most complete of any in the World; "But, Mr. Faulkener," said my Lord, "don't you think it might be still farther improved by using Paper and Ink not quite so near of a Colour?" For all these Reasons I cannot but wish, that our American Printers would in their Editions avoid these fancied Improvements, and thereby render their Works more agreable to Foreigners in Europe, to the great advantage of our Bookselling Com- merce.
Farther, to be more sensible of the Advantage of clear and distinct Printing, let us consider the Assistance it affords in Reading well aloud to an Auditory. In so doing the Eye generally slides forward three or four Words before the Voice. If the Sight clearly distinguishes what the coming Words -»re, it gives time to order the Modulation of the Voice to
1789] '^ NOAH WEBSTER 81
express them properly- But, if they are obscurely printed, or disguis'd by omitting the Capitals and long sh or other- wise, the Reader is apt to modulate wrong ; and, finding he has done so, he is oblig'd to go back and begin the Sentence again, which lessens the Pleasure of the Hearers.
This leads me to mention an old Error in our Mode of Printing. We are sensible, that, when a Question is met with in Reading, there is a proper Variation to be used in the Management of the Voice. We have therefore a Point called an Interrogation, affix'd to the Question in order to distinguish it. But this is absurdly placed at its End; so that the Reader does not discover it, till he finds he has wrongly modulated his Voice, and is therefore obliged to begin again the Sentence. To prevent this, the Spanish Printers, more sensibly, place an Interrogation at the Begin- ning as well as at the End of a Question. We have another Error of the same kind in printing Plays, where something often occurs that is marked as spoken aside. But the Word aside is placed at the End of the Speech, when it ought to precede it, as a Direction to the Reader, that he may govern his Voice accordingly. The Practice of our Ladies in meet- ing five or six together to form a little busy Party, where each is employ'd in some useful Work while one reads to them, is so commendable in itself, that it deserves the Attention of Authors and Printers to make it as pleasing as possible, both to the Reader and Hearers.
After these general Observations, permit me to make one that I imagine may regard your Interest. It is that your Spelling Book is miserably printed here, so as in many Places to be scarcely legible, and on wretched Paper. If this is not attended to, and the new one lately advertised as coming
VOL. X — G
Kj the writings of benjamin franklin [17
out should be preferable in these Respects, it may hurt t] future Sale of yours.
I congratulate you on your Marriage, of which the New papers inform me. My best wishes attend you, being wr sincere esteem, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
SiK,
1791. TO (l.c
Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1790.
I rec'' the Letter you did me the honor of writii^ to fl respecting the Construction of the ii"" Art. of the Treaty 1 Commerce between France and the United States. I wi indeed one of the Commissioners on the Part of the Unit« Stales for making that treaty, but the Commissioners ha< no right to explain the Treaty, Its explanation is to 1 sought for in its own Words, and, in case it cannol be clear found there, then by an appUcation to the contracting Powei
I certainly conceived, that when the Droit d'aubaine wi
relinquished in favor of the Citizens of the United State
the rehnquishing Clause was meant to extend to all 1J
Dominions of his most Christian Majesty; and I am 1
Opinion, that this would not be denied, if an Explanatic
were requested of the Court of France; and it ought to 1
done, if any Difficulties arise on this subject in the Frenc
Islands, which their Courts do not determine in our Favo
But, before Congress is petitioned to make such Request,
imagine it would be proper to have the Case tried in son
^f the W. I. islands, and the Petition made in Consequen
^i a Determination against us, I have the honor to be, &
B. Fkanklin.'
1790] TO EZRA STILES 83
1792. TO EZRA STILES (l. c.)
Philad% March 9. 1790.
Reverend and dear Sir,
I received your kind Letter of Jan'y 28, and am glad you have at length received the portrait of Gov'r Yale from his Family, and deposited it in the College Library. He was a great and good Man, and had the Merit of doing infinite Ser- vice to your Country by his Munificence to that Institution. The Honour you propose doing me by placing mine in the same Room with his, is much too great for my Deserts; but you always had a Partiality for me, and to that it must be ascribed. I am however too much obliged to Yale Col- lege, the first learned Society that took Notice of me and adorned me with its Honours, to refuse a Request that comes from it thro' so esteemed a Friend. But I do not think any one of the Portraits you mention, as in my Possession, worthy of the Place and Company you propose to place it in. You have an excellent Artist lately arrived. If he will undertake to make one for you, I shall cheerfully pay the Expence; but he must not delay setting about it, or I may slip thro' his fingers, for I am now in my eighty-fifth year, and very infirm.
I send with this a very learned Work, as it seems to me, on the antient Samaritan Coins, lately printed in Spain, and at least curious for the Beauty of the Impression. Please to accept it for your College Library. I have subscribed for the Encyclopaedia now printing here, with the Intention of presenting it to the College. I shall probably depart before the Work is finished, but shall leave Directions for its Continuance to the End. With this you will receive some of the first numbers.
I
84 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1790
You desire to know somethli^ of my Religioa. It is the first time I have been questioned upon it. But I cannot take your Curiosity amiss, and shall endeavour in a few Words to gratify it. Here is my Creed. I believe in one God, Creator of the Universe. That he governs it by his Providence. That he ought to be worshipped. That the most acceptable Service we render to him is doing good to his other Children. That the soul of Man is immortal, and will be treated with Justice in another Life respecting its Conduct in this. These I take to be the fundamental Prin- ciples of all sound Religion, and I regard them as you do in whatever Sect I meet with them.
As to Jesus of Nazareth, my Opinicai of whom you par- ticularly desire, I think the System of Momls and his Reli- gion, as he left them to us, the best the World ever saw or is likely to see ; but I apprehend it has received various cor- rupting Changes, and I have, with most of the present Dis- senters in England, some Doubts as to his Divinity; the' it is a question I do not dogmatize upon, having never studied it, and think it needless to busy myself with it now, when I expect soon an Opportunity of knowing the Truth with less Trouble. I see no harm, however, in its being believed, if that Behef has the good Consequence, as probably it has, of making his Doctrines more respected and better observed ; especially as I do not perceive, that the Supreme takes it amiss, l)y distinguishing the Unbelievers in his Government of the World with any peculiar Marks of his Displeasure.
I shiill only add, respecting myself, that, having experi- enced the Goodness of that Being in conductii^ me pros- "sly thro' a loi^; life, I have no doubt of its Continuance ueKt, though without the smallest Conceit <rf meriting
I790] TO EZRA STILES 85
such Goodness. My Sentiments on this Head you will see in the Copy of an old Letter enclosed,* which I wrote in answer to one from a zealous Religionist, whom I had relieved in a paralytic case by electricity, and who, being afraid I should grow proud upon it, sent me his serious though rather im- pertinent Caution. I send you also the Copy of another Letter,' which wiU shew something of my Disposition relat- ing to Religion. With great and sincere Esteem and AflFection, I am. Your obliged old Friend and most obedient humble Servant ' B. Franklin.
P. S. Had not your College some Present of Books from the King of France ? Please to let me know, if you had an Expectation given you of more, and the Nature of that Expectation? I have a Reason for the Enquiry.
I confide, that you will not expose me to Criticism and censure by publishing any part of this Communication to you. I have ever let others enjoy their religious Sentiments, without reflecting on them for those that appeared to me un- supportable and even absurd. All Sects here, and we have a great Variety, have experienced my good will in assisting them with Subscriptions for building their new Places of Worship; and, as I have never opposed any of their Doc- trines, I hope to go out of the World in Peace with them all.'
^ Probably the letter written to Joseph Hucy.— Ed.
* It is uncertain what letter is here alluded to, but probably the one sup- posed to have been written to Thomas Paine. — S.
• This letter was written in reply to the following query in a letter from Ezra Stiles (January 28, 1790) : —
" You know, Sir, that I am a Christian, and would to Heaven all others were such as I am, except my Imperfections and Deficiencies of moral Character. As much as I know of Dr. Franklin, I have not an idea of his religious Sentiments. I wish to know the Opinion of my venerable Friend
86 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1790
1793. TO FRANCIS CHILDS (p.h.s.)
Philad^ March 10, 1790
Sir
I received your Letter enclosing the Bill of Lading for the
two Boxes of Types ; but the Vessel is not yet arriv'd. By
your Proposal which I agreed to, I was to have them at
what they cost in London, at Caslon's Foundery; and you
desire me to give you Credit accordingly: But as I never
before bought any such small Letters, and Caslon has not
mark'd any Prices in his Specimens, I do not know at what
Rates I am to credit them, till I receive his Bill or Invoice,
which I therefore request you will send me by the Return
of the Post. I am, Sir,
Your humble Servant
B. Franklin.
1794. ON THE SLAVE-TRADE (l.c.)
Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the Abolition Society, was signed to the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 1 2th of February, 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of power vested in them by the Constitution, in discouraging the traffic of the huntan species. This was his last public act. In the debates to which this memorial
concerning Jesus of Nazereth. He will not impute this to Impertinence or
improper Curiosity, in one, who for so many years has continued to love,
estimate, and reverence his Abilities and literary Character, with an Ardor
and Affection bordering on Adoration. If I have said too much, let the
Request be blotted out, and be no more; and yet I shall never cease to wish
you that happy Immortality, which I believe Jesus alone has purchased for the
virtuous and truly good of every religious Denomination in Christendom, and
for those of every Age, Nation, and Mytholog)', who reverence the Deity, and
are filled with Integrity, Righteousness, and Benevolence. Wishing you every
Blessing, I am, dear Sir, your most obed* Serv^
"Ezra Stilks." — Ed.
I
1790] ON THE SLAVE-TRADE 87
gave rise, several attempts were made to justify the trade. In the Federal Gazette of March 25th, 1790, there appeared an essay, signed Historiccs, written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a Speech, said to have been delivered in the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the prayer of the petition of a sect called Erika, or Purists, for the abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the arguments, urged in favour of negro slavery, are applied with equal force to justify the plundering and en- slaving of Europeans. It affords, at the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in defence of the slave-trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnishes, too, a no less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other times and nations, than his celebrated Parable against Persecution. And as the latter led many persons to search the Scriptures with a view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the book-stores and libraries for the work from which it was said to be extracted. — Dr. Stuber.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDERAL GAZETTE
March 23d, 1790.^
Snty Reading last night in your excellent Paper the speech of Mr. Jackson in Congress against their meddling with the Affair of Slavery, or attempting to mend the Condition of the Slaves, it put me in mind of a similar One made about 100 Years since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers, which may be seen in Martin's Account of his Consulship, anno 1687. It was against granting the Petition of the Sect called Erika, or Purists, who pray'd for the Abolition of Piracy and Slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it ; perhaps he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its Reasonings are to be found in his elo- quent Speech, it may only show that men's Interests and Intellects operate and are operated on with surprising simi-
1 This paper is dated only twenty-four days before the author's death, which happened on the 17th of April following. — Ed.
r -J
88 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1790
larity in all Countries and Climates, when under similar Cir- cumstances. The African's Speech, as translated, is as follows.
^^ Allah Bismillahy S^c. God is greal, and Mahomet is his
Prophet.
"Have these Erika considered the Consequences of grant- ing their Petition? If we cease our Cruises against the Christians, how shall we be furnished with the Commodities their Countries produce, and which are so necessary for us? If we forbear to make Slaves of their People, who in this hot Climate are to cultivate our Lands ? Who are to perform the common Labours of our City, and in our Families? Must we not then be our own Slaves ? And is there not more Com- passion and more Favour due to us as Mussulmen, than to these Christian Dogs? We have now above 50,000 Slaves in and near Algiers. This Number, if not kept up by fresh Supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradually annihilated. If we then cease taking and plundering the Infidel Ships, and making Slaves of the Seamen and Passengers, our Lands will become of no Value for want of Cultivation ; the Rents of Houses in the City will sink one half ; and the Revenues of Government arising from its Share of Prizes be totally destroyed ! And for what ? To gratify the whims of a whim- sical Sect, who would have us, not only forbear making more Slaves, but even to manumit those we have.
"But who is to indemnify their Masters for the Loss? Will the State do it ? Is our Treasury sufficient ? Will the Erika do it ? Can they do it ? Or would they, to do what they think Justice to the Slaves, do a greater Injustice to the Owners ? And if we set our Slaves free, what is to be done with them? Few of them will return to their Countries;
1790] ON THE SLAVE-TRADE 89
they know too well the greater Hardships they must there be subject to; they will not embrace our holy Religion; they will not adopt our Manners; our People will not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we maintain them as Beggars in our Streets, or suffer our Properties to be the Prey of their Pillage ? For Men long accustomed to Slavery will not work for a Livelihood when not compelled. And what is there so pitiable in their present Condition? Were they not Slaves in their own Countries ?
"Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the ItaUan states govem'd by Despots, who hold all their Subjects in Slavery, without Exception ? Even England treats its Sailors as Slaves ; for they are, whenever the Government pleases, seiz'd, and confin'd in Ships of War, condemned not only to work, but to fight, for small Wages, or a mere Subsistence, not better than our Slaves are allowed by us. Is their Condition then made worse by their falling into our Hands ? No ; they have only exchanged one Slavery for another, and I may say a better; for here they are brought into a Land where the Sun of Islamism gives forth its Light, and shines in full Splendor, and they have an Opportimity of making themselves ac- quainted with the true Doctrine, and thereby saving their immortal Souls. Those who remain at home have not that Happiness. Sending the Slaves home then would be sending them out of Light into Darkness.
"I repeat the Question, What is to be done with them? I have heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the Wilderness, where there is plenty of Land for them to sub- sist on, and where they may flourish as a free State ; but they are, I doubt, too little disposed to labour without Compulsion, as well as too ignorant to establish a good government, and
90 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN- FRANKLIN [1790
the wild Arabs would soon molest and destroy or again en- slave them. While serving us, we take care to provide them with every thing, and they are treated with Humanity. The Labourers in their own Country are, as I am well informed, worse fed, lodged, and cloathed. The Condition of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no further Improvement. Here their Lives are in Safety. They are not liable to be impressed for Soldiers, and forc'd to cut one another's Christian Throats, as in the Wars of their own Countries. If some of the religious mad Bigots, who now teaze us with their silly Petitions, have in a Fit of blind Zeal freed their Slaves, it was not Generosity, it was not Hu- manity, that mov'd them to the Action; it was from the conscious Burthen of a Load of Sins, and Hope, from the supposed Merits of so good a Work, to be excus'd Damna- tion.
" How grossly are they mistaken in imagining Slavery to be disallowed by the Alcoran ! Are not the two Precepts, to quote no more, ^ Masters , treat your Slaves with kindness; Slaves, serve your Masters with Cheerfulness and Fidelity,^ clear Proofs to the contrary ? Nor can the Plundering of Infidels be in that sacred Book forbidden, since it is well known from it, that God has given the World, and all that it contains, to his faithful Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of Right as fast as they conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this detestable Proposition, the Manumission of Christian Slaves, the Adoption of which would, by depreciating our Lands and Houses, and thereby depriving so many good Citizens of their Properties, create universal Discontent, and provoke Insurrections, to the endangering of Government and pro- ducing general Confusion. I have therefore no doubt, but
_j
I790] TO MRS. JANE AfECOM 91
this wise Council will prefer the Comfort and Happiness of a whole Nation of true Believers to the Whim of a few Erikay and dismiss their Petition."
The Result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this Resolution; "The Doctrine, that Plundering and Enslaving the Christians is imjust, is at best prohlematical; but that it is the Interest of this State to continue the Prac- tice, is clear; therefore let the Petition be rejected."
And it was rejected accordingly.
And since like Motives are apt to produce in the Minds of Men like Opinions and Resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to predict, from this Account, that the Petitions to the Parliament of England for abolishing the Slave-Trade, to say nothing of other Legislatures, and the Debates upon them, will have a similar Conclusion? I am, Sir, your con- stant Reader and humble Servant, Historicus.
1795. TO MRS. JANE MECOM*
Philadelphia, March 24, 1790.
My dear Sister, I received your kind letter by your good neighbour. Cap- tain Rich. The information it contained, that you continue well, gave me, as usual, great pleasure. As to myself, I have been quite free from pain for near three weeks past ; and therefore not being obliged to take any laudanum, my appetite has returned, and I have recovered some part of my strength. Thus I continue to live on, while all the friends of my youth have left me, and gone to join the majority.
^ First published by Sparks, Vol. X, p. 425. — Ed.
92 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1790
I have, however, the pleasure of continued friendship and conversation with their children and grandchildren. I do not repine at my malady, though a severe one, when I con- sider how well I am provided with every convenience to palliate it, and to make me comfortable under it ; and how many more horrible evils the human body is subject to ; and what a long life of health I have been blessed with, free from them all.
You have done well not to send me any more fish at present. These continue good, and give me pleasure.
Do you know any thing of our sister Scott's daughter;
whether she is still living, and where? This family join
in love to you and yours, and to cousins WiUiams, with your
affectionate brother,
B. Franklin.
P. S. It is early in the morning, and I write in bed. The awkward position has occasioned the crooked lines.
1796. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON
Philadelphia, April 8, 1790.^
Sir, I received your letter of the 31st of last past, relating to encroachments made on the eastern limits of the United States by settlers under the British government, pretending that it is the western, and not the eastern river of the Bay of Passamaquoddy which was designated by the name of St. Croix, in the treaty of peace with that nation ; and requesting of me to communicate any facts which my memory or papers
1 This letter is dated only nine days before Dr. Franklin*i death. — Ed.
I790] TO THOMAS JEFFERSON 93
may enable me to recollect, and which may indicate the true river, which the commissioners on both sides had in their view, to establish as the boundary between the two nations.
Your letter found me under a severe fit of my malady, which prevented my answering it sooner, or attending, in- deed, to any kind of business. I now can assure you, that I am perfectly clear in the remembrance that the map we used in tracing the boundary, was brought to the treaty by the com- missioners from England, and that it was the same that was published by Mitchell -above twenty years before. Having a copy of that map by me in loose sheets, I send you that sheet which contains the Bay of Passamaquoddy, where you will see that part of the boundary traced. I remember, too, that in that part of the boundary we relied much on the opinion of Mr. Adams, who had been concerned in some former disputes concerning those territories. I think, there- fore, that you may obtain still further light from him.
That the map we used was Mitchell's map, Congress were
acquainted at the time, by a letter to their Secretary for
Foreign AflFairs, which I suppose may be found upon their
files. I have the honour to be, &c.,
B. Franklin.
SUPPLEMENTARY PAPERS OF UNKNOWN OR
CONJECTURAL DATE
I
1797- REMARKS (l. c.)
CONCERNING THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA*
Savages we call them, because their Manners diflFer from ours, which we think the Perfection of Civility; they think the same of theirs.
Perhaps, if we could examine the Manners of different Nations with Impartiality, we should find no People so rude, as to be without any Rules of Politeness ; nor any so polite, as not to have some Remains of Rudeness.
The Indian Men, when young, are Hunters and Warriors ; when old. Counsellors; for all their Government is by Counsel of the Sages ; there is no Force, there are no Prisons, no OflScers to compel Obedience, or inflict Punishment. Hence they generally study Oratory, the best Speaker having the most Influence. The Indian Women till the Ground, dress the Food, nurse and bring up the Children, and pre- serve and hand down to Posterity the Memory of public Transactions. These Employments of Men and Women are accounted natural and honourable. Having few arti- ficial Wants, they have abundance of Leisure for Improve- ment by Conversation. Our laborious Manner of Life, com- pared with theirs, they esteem slavish and base; and the
^ This paper was published in a separate pamphlet in England, in the year 1784 ; and afterwards, in 1787, formed a part of the edition printed for Dilly. The draft in L. C. is undated, and it is uncertain when it was written. — Ed.
voL^x — H 97
— 5J8- -JUE. nrni..,.^^ "■ 1
Learning, on ,hich we value our,elv„, *«-' "f^ '
frivolous and useless. An Instance of this occurred at Ih
Trtatv of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, on«, .744, betw«n Ih
Government of Virginia and the Si. Nations. After the pn.
dpal Business was settled, the CommiS-sioners from V.rpn.
acquainted the Indians by a Speech, that there was at W
liamsburg a College, with a Fund for Educating Indjan youU
and that, if the Six Nations would send do.Tt half a doa
of their young Lads to that College, the Government wot.
take care that they should be well provided for, and >
stracted in all the Learning of the Wite People. It .s «
of the Indian Rules of Pohteness not to answer a put.
Proposition the same day that it is made ; they think tt wo,
be treating it as a light matter, and that they show it Resp,
by taking time to consider it, as of a Matter ■mportl
They therefore deferred their Answer till the Day foUowa
when their Speaker began, by expressing their deep Sense
the kindness of the Virginia Government, in making th
that OHer; "for we know," says he, "that you highly
teem the kind of Learning taught in those CoUegcii, and t
the Maintenance of our young Men, while with you, wouW
very expensive to you. We an. convinc'd, therefore, I
you mean to do us Good by your Proposal; and we *
L heartily. But you, who are wise, must know that dll
Hit Nations have different Conceptions of things; and
will therefore not take it amiss, if our Ideas of this k™
Education happen not to be the same with yours. We 1
had some Experience of if. Several of our young Pe
we.« formeriv brought up at the Colleges of the NorO
Provinces; they were instructed in aU your Sciences;
when they came back to us, they were b.td Rumicrs, igno
THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA 99
of every means of living in the Woods, unable to bear either Cold or Hunger, knew neither how to build a Cabin, take a Deer, or kill an Enemy, spoke our Language imperfectly, were therefore neither fit for Hunters, Warriors, nor Coun- sellors ; they were totally good for nothing. We are however not the less oblig'd by your kind Offer, tho' we decline accept- ing it ; and, to show our grateful Sense of it, if the Gentlemen of Virginia will send us a Dozen of their Sons, we will take great Care of their Education, instruct them in all we know, and make Men of them."
Having frequent Occasions to hold public Councils, they have acquired great Order and Decency in conducting them. The old Men sit in the foremost Ranks, the Warriors in the next, and the Women and Children in the hindmost. The Business of the Women is to take exact Notice of what passes, imprint it in their Memories (for they have no Writing), and communicate it to their Children. They are the Records of the Council, and they preserve Traditions of the Stipula- tions in Treaties 100 Years back ; which, when we compare with our Writings, we always find exact. He that would speak, rises. The rest observe a profound Silence. When he has finish'd and sits down, they leave him 5 or 6 Minutes to recollect, that, if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rise again and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common Conversation, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some Confusion, that makes the Speaker hoarse in calling to Order; and how different from the Mode of Conversation in many polite Companies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your Sentence with great Rapidity, you
loo THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
are cut off in the middle of it by the Impatient Loquacity of those you converse with, and never suffered to finish it 1
The Politeness of these Savages in Conversation is indeed carried to Excess, since it does not permit them to contradict or deny the Truth of what is asserted in their Presence, By this means they indeed avoid Disputes ; but then it becomes difficult to know their Minds, or what Impression you make upon them. The Missionaries who have attempted to con- vert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one of the great Difficulties of their Mission. The Indians hear with Patience the Truths of the Gospel explained to them, and give their usual Tokens of Assent and Approbation; you would think they were convinc'd. No such matter. It is mere Civility.
A Swedish Minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Susquehanah Indians, made a Sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal historical Facts on which our Reli- gion is f oimded ; such as the Fall of our first Parents by eating an Apple, the coming of Christ to repair the Mischief, his Miracles and Suffering, &c. When he had finished, an Indian Orator stood up to thank him. '^ What you have told us," says he, "is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat Apples. It is better to make them all into Cyder. We are much oblig'd by your kindness in coming so far, to tell us these Things which you have heard from your Mothers. In return, I will tell you some of those we have heard from ours. In the Beginning, our Fathers had only the Flesh of x\nimals to subsist on ; and if their Hunting was unsuccessful, they were starving. Two of our young Hunters, having kill'd a Deer, made a Fire in the Woods to broil some Part of it. When they were about to satisfy their Hunger, they beheld a
THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA loi
beautiful young Woman descend from the Clouds, and seat herself on that Hill, which you see yonder among the blue Mountains. They said to each, other, it is a Spirit that has smelt our broiling Venison, and wishes to eat of it ; let us oflFer some to her. They presented her with the Tongue ; she was pleas'd with the Taste of it, and said, ^Your kindness shall be rewarded ; come to this Place after thirteen Moons, and you shall find something that will be of great Benefit in nourishing you and your Children to the latest Generations.' They did so, and, to their Surprise, found Plants they had never seen before; but which, from that ancient time, have been constantly cultivated among us, to our great Advantage. Where her right Hand had touched the Ground, they found Maize; where her left hand had touch 'd it, they foimd Kidney-Beans; and where her Backside had sat on it, they found Tobacco." The good Missionary, disgusted with this idle Tale, said, ''What I delivered to you were sacred Truths; but what you tell me is mere Fable, Fiction, and Falshood." The Indian, oflFended, reply 'd, **My brother, it seems your Friends have not done you Justice in your Education ; they have not well instructed you in the Rules of common Civility. You saw that we, who understand and practise those Rules, believ'd all your stories; why do you refuse to believe ours?" When any of them come into our Towns, our People are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them, where they desire to be private ; this they esteem great Rudeness, and the Effect of the Want of Instruction in the Rules of Civility and good Manners. "We have," say they, "as much Curiosity as you, and when you come into our Towns, we wish for Opportunities of looking at you; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind Bushes, where you
103 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your Com- pany."
Their Manner of entring one another's village has likewise its Rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling Strangers to enter a Village abruptly, without giving Notice of their Approach. Therefore, as soon as they arrive within hearing, they stop and hollow, remaining there till invited to enter. Two old Men usually come out to them, and lead them in. There is in every Village a vacant Dwelling, called the Strang- ers' House. Here they are plac'd, while the old Men go round from Hut to Hut, acquainting the Inhabitants, that Strangers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary; and every one sends them what he can spare of Victuals, and Skins to repose on. When the Strangers are refreshed. Pipes and Tobacco are brought; and then, but not before, Conversation begins, with Enquiries who they are, whither bound, what News, &c. ; and it usually ends with offers of Service, if the Strangers have occasion of Guides, or any Necessaries for continuing their Journey; and nothing is exacted for the Entertainment.
The same Hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal Virtue, is practised by private Persons; of which Conrad Weiser, our Interpreter, gave me the following Instance. He had been naturalized among the Six Nations, and spoke well the Mohock Language. In going thro' the Indian Countrj', to carry a Message from our Governor to the Council at Onondaga, he call'd at the Habitation of Canassatego, an old Acquaintance, who embrac'd him, spread Furs for him to sit on, plac'd before him some boil'd Beans and Venison, and mix'd some Rum and Water for his Drink. When he was well refresh'd, and had lit his Pipe, Canassatego began lo
THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA 103
converse with him; ask'd how he had far*d the many Years since they had seen each other; whence he then came; what occasioned the Journey, &c. Conrad answered all his Questions; and when the Discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, "Conrad, you have lived long among the white People, and know something of their Cus- toms; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once in Seven Days they shut up their Shops, and assemble all in the great House; tell me what it is for? What do they do there?" "They meet there," says Conrad, "to hear and learn good Things" "I do not doubt," says the Indian, "that they tell you so; they have told me the same; but I doubt the Truth of what they say, and I will tell you my Reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my Skins and buy Blankets, Knives, Powder, Rum, &c. You know I us'd generally to deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was a little inclined this time to try some other Merchant. How- ever, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for Beaver. He said he could not give any more than four Shillings a Pound; *but,' says he, 'I cannot talk on Business now; this is the Day when we meet together to learn Good Things, and I am going to the Meeting.' So I thought to myself, 'Since we cannot do any Business to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too,' and I went with him. There stood up a Man in Black, and began to talk to the People very angrily. I did not understand what he said ; but, perceiving that he look'd much at me and at Hanson, I imagin'd he was angry at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat down near the House, struck Fire, and lit my Pipe, waiting till the Meeting should break up. I thought too, that the Man had mention'd something of Beaver, and I suspected it
I04 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
might be the Subject of their Meeting. So, when they came out, I accosted my Merchant. 'Well, Hans,' says I, *I hope you have agreed to give more than four Shillings a Pound.' 'No,' says he, 'I cannot give so much; I cannot give more than three shillings and sixpence.' I then spoke to several other Dealers, but they all sung the same song, — Three and sixpence, — Three and sixpence. This made it clear to me, that my Suspicion was right ; and, that whatever they pretended of meeting to leam good Things^ the real pur- pose was to consult how to cheat Indians in the Price of Beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my Opinion. If they met so often to leam good Things^ they would certainly have learnt some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our Practice. If a white Man, in travelling thro' our Country, enters one of our Cabins, we all treat him as I treat you ; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, we give him Meat and Drink, that he may allay his Thirst and Hunger; and we spread soft Furs for him to rest and sleep on ; we demand nothing in return. But, if I go into a white Man's House at Albany, and ask for Victuals and Drink, they say, 'Where is your Money ? ' and if I have none, they say, ' Get out, you Indian Dog.' You see they have not yet learned those little Good ThingSj that we need no Meetings to be instructed in, be- cause our Mothers taught them to us when we were Children; and therefore it is impossible their Meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such Effect; they are only to contrive the Cheating of Indians in the Price of Beaver"
NOTB. — It is remarkable that in all Ages and Countries Hospitality has been •Ilow'd as the Virtue of those whom the civiliz'd were pleas'd to call Barbt-
THE RETORT COURTEOUS 105
riant. The Greeks celebrated the Scythians for it. The Saracens possessed it eminently, and it is to this day the